2.7.1 Definitional issues
2.7.2 Literacy and development
2.7.3 Literacy and language
2.7.4 Strategies to promote literacy
2.7.5 Concluding remarks.
Mass literacy has long been argued to be a necessary but not sufficient condition for sustained development to take place and there is an extensive literature on the problems of increasing literacy rates. Bhola (1990) lists 46 books on literacy published between 1980 and 1989. The world now has almost one billion adult illiterates and over 95% of these are to be found in developing countries. Disproportionate numbers of illiterates are female, from poor households, and members of minority groups within their own countries. In absolute numbers China and India have the most illiterates as a result of their very large populations. Profiles of illiteracy rates by age group and sex have proved slow to change over time though overall levels of literacy have improved considerably.
Table 6 Estimated Adult Literacy Rates by Sex 1970-2000 (percentages)
|
|
Male |
Female |
Total |
|||||||||
|
1970 |
1985 |
1990 |
2000 |
1970 |
1985 |
1990 |
2000 |
1970 |
1985 |
1990 |
2000 |
|
|
World |
69.6 |
78.1 |
80.6 |
84.6 |
53.5 |
63.1 |
66.4 |
71.8 |
61.5 |
70.6 |
73.5 |
78.2 |
|
Developing Countries |
57.8 |
71.1 |
74.9 |
80.3 |
32.6 |
49.9 |
55.0 |
63.2 |
45.3 |
60.7 |
65.1 |
71.9 |
|
Sub Saharan Africa |
32.5 |
52.6 |
59.0 |
70.2 |
13.2 |
29.5 |
36.1 |
49.6 |
22.6 |
40.8 |
47.3 |
59.7 |
|
Arab States |
39.5 |
59.2 |
64.3 |
73 1 |
13.7 |
31.5 |
38.0 |
50.6 |
26.5 |
45.5 |
51.3 |
62.0 |
|
Latin America/Caribbean |
77.5 |
84.3 |
86.4 |
89.7 |
70.1 |
80.3 |
83.0 |
87.3 |
73.8 |
82.3 |
84.7 |
88.5 |
|
Eastern Asia |
67.3 |
82.0 |
85.7 |
90.0 |
38.7 |
60.7 |
66.4 |
75.4 |
53 2 |
71.5 |
76.2 |
82.8 |
|
Southern Asia |
44.8 |
55.6 |
59.1 |
66.2 |
16.9 |
27.9 |
32.2 |
41.2 |
31.3 |
42.2 |
46.1 |
54.1 |
|
Least Developed Countries |
31.9 |
46.3 |
51.4 |
60.8 |
13.0 |
23.4 |
27.9 |
37.3 |
22.5 |
34.8 |
39.6 |
490 |
Source: UNESCO World Education Report 1991:97
Literacy rates are highest in Latin America, the Caribbean and East Asia, and lowest in Sub Saharan Africa, the Arab States and Southern Asia. Improvements in the latter group appear to have been slowest in Southern Asia. Gender disparities remain striking in all regions except Latin America and the Caribbean. The literacy gap between men and women (the differences in the proportion literate) appears to have remained the same or reduced in all regions except Sub-Saharan Africa. In 1990 UNESCO estimates that there were 920 million illiterates in the developing world compared to 840 million in 1970. The absolute number of illiterates has increased significantly in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Arab States, and Southern Asia over this period, though they represent a diminishing proportion of the total population.
Wagner (1990) argues that if current trends continue illiteracy is likely to continue to diminish. UNESCO projections anticipate that overall literacy rates will improve from 65% to 72% in developing countries between 1990 and 2000. Southern Asia will remain with the lowest average (54%), marginally above that projected for the least developed countries (49%). Though in some areas literacy rates may decline as a result of the dislocations of war or economic collapse there is no evidence that this is likely to be a general trend.
The recent World Conference on Education for All called for reductions in the adult literacy levels to one half of the existing values. UNESCO's definition of functional literacy is that
"A person is functionally literate who can engage in all those activities in which literacy is required for effective functioning of his (sic) group and community and also for enabling him to continue to use reading, writing and calculation for his own and the community's development".
There remain problems in translating this and similar definitions into practice. Two principal methods have been advocated: self assessment (e.g. through census questions) and the use of standardised literacy tests. Indirect self assessment methods carry a high risk of error and over reporting, particularly when carried out using untrained interviewers. In many surveys the ability to read aloud from newspapers is used as a criterion though this may not indicate comprehension. Others use the ability of the respondent to write their names as the criteria. Some assessments include basic numeracy as an integral part, but practice on this is inconsistent. At the most unreliable level respondents are asked "Can you read and write? with no capability to test the veracity of the response or differentiate levels of facility. Literacy may be defined in a mother tongue or in a national language and this is likely to affect the number of illiterates identified. Direct methods that involve standardised testing are expensive to administer and also suffer from problems of reliability and validity. Wagner (1990) proposes a new approach to assessment which employs both direct and indirect measures of literacy, attempts to differentiate levels of facility, and recognises the context in which literacy is acquired and used.
UNESCO has developed a series of concepts which illustrate some of the shifting approaches that have been employed in literacy projects. These include fundamental education, community development, universal literacy, work orientated literacy and cultural literacy. However according to Jones (1990) none of these have stayed in place long enough to have acquired an adequate theoretical grounding. In reality many of the assertions made in the literature about relationships between literacy and development are hypotheses for which there may be circumstantial evidence but no rigorous justification. While it is generally accepted that literacy is a necessary condition for access to ideas from the wider world and that "modernisation" in attitudes and dispositions is closely associated with the possession of literacy, more specific relationships have proved difficult to unravel. This is partly because literacy is a social construction and is significant in determining, and being determined by, the prevailing social order (Oxenham 1980). It is being increasingly recognised that literacy is a relative construct and is in practice context dependent. Global definitions therefore appear both elusive and unattainable (Winchester (1990). The implication is that literacy programmes need clear objectives that are grounded in different socio-economic contexts and that criteria for improvement are unlikely to be universal, or if they are they will be at the lowest level of cross cultural generalisation.
Literacy for liberation and empowerment was the prevailing theme of much research and intervention with literacy programmes over the last decade (Freire and Macedo, 1987). From this perspective literacy is an important trigger for social emancipation. Some of these ideas were echoed in a recent seminar (Commonwealth Institute, 1990) which viewed literacy programmes within non-formal interventions designed to culturalise, liberate and empower the deprived. Some commentators have reservations about the possible unwanted consequences of literacy (Winchester 1990). Governments frequently wish to remain in control of non-formal initiatives that may challenge the role of the state in distributing resources. Empowerment may lead to direct conflict between the relatively powerless and the powerful. Marshall's (1990) participant observation of literacy training in a Mozambican factory reports that ordinary worker's fear and experience of subordination encouraged them to regard literacy as a means of altering their positions in the power hierarchy. Their expectations were based on what it appeared to have done for others in the factory. Her study pieces together how literacy was linked in with other interlocking structures for distributing power and influence - gender, race and class. Mukhapadyaya (1990) reports on a literacy programme targeted at squatters in Calcutta which employed local animateurs to promote the need for literacy to gain self respect. The purpose was to counter balance preconceptions that literacy alone would resolve problems of hierarchy and social stratification.
The situation of women and girls appears particularly serious. Despite the many studies that imply attractive developmental gains from providing more education (and thus improving literacy rates) substantial gaps in literacy rates persist. This is especially so where overall enrolment rates are low. Stromquist (1990) argues that this continues to reflect dominant power relations in most societies. She argues that most literacy programmes for women are organised within stereotyped roles with patriarchal ideologies determining access as well as content and achievement levels. She puts the case that women's literacy programmes should put mare emphasis on income generation, nutrition, health, family planning and on raising consciousness so that "the process of becoming literate must be as important for women as the end result of being literate" (Stromquist 1990:108).
Several studies indicate that correlations exist between GNP per capita and literacy rates but these cannot readily demonstrate the direction of causality. Kahn' (1991) in a recent study in Pakistan argues that there is a large effect of literacy on productivity in manufacturing but not in agriculture. This is in contrast to the many studies which indicate a relationship between additional years of schooling (and by implication higher levels of literacy) and agricultural productivity (e.g. Jamison, Lau and Lockheed (1992)). Lomperis (1991) shows that maternal literacy in Colombia is associated with the nutritional status of pre-school children. Ross (1990) describes a remedial reading programme in Malaysia which aimed to promote parental involvement in children's reading. In this it was found that even those mothers who were illiterate could be encouraged to play an active and influential role in children's learning through the production of learning materials and workshops on children's motivation. Eisemon and Nyamete (1990) explored the relationship between school acquired literacy and agricultural innovation in Kenya. This seems to indicate that while schooling and literacy promotes awareness of the importance of new inputs and techniques, the capacity to make use of these is also dependent on understanding of science and technological principles and procedures.
The debate about which language to use as the medium of instruction for literacy for adults and school children is widespread and unresolved. In many developing countries practical considerations have weighed in favour of adopting an official language of a majority group or of a former colonial power. Yet to be fully literate in many societies, for example Nigeria, might require literacy in the national language, a regional language and a local one. There is some evidence that children who acquire literacy in their own mother tongue are better able to transfer these skills to other languages than when literacy is acquired first in another language though counter examples are also cited by Wagner, Spratt and Ezzaki (1989). Delpit's (1984) review of six countries suggests that mother tongue instruction in the early years of schooling had positive effects on achievement in four of the cases. Tokples preschools in Papua New Guinea which use vernacular languages have been extensively evaluated Ross (1989). All of these studies support the view that vernacular pre-schools help in the subsequent acquisition of English. Mother tongue policies for pre-school and the early years of primary often meet with resistance from interest groups. Cossio (1991) suggests that attempts to move in this direction in Ecuador were thwarted by those who wished to retain Spanish. Rubagumya (1991) argues that despite attempts to promote Kiswahili in Tanzanian primary schools and in adult education as the medium of instruction the position of the language is still precarious at secondary and higher levels. Okedara and Okedara (1992) review mother tongue instruction in Nigeria and note the lack of adequate orthographies for many of the languages and the limitations to literacy until these have been developed.
Three main strategies have been followed to promote literacy. These are mass literacy campaigns, strategies that integrate primary education with adult literacy programmes and selective literacy campaigns with a particular focus. Each approach places differing emphasis on self reliance, self motivation and the quality of instruction (Bhola 1990).
Mass literacy campaigns are reviewed by Torres (1990), Al-Nasser (1990) and Sasaoka (1990). The most successful campaigns appear to have been those conducted in socialist countries though reservations are expressed about the validity of the evaluations and the durability of the outcomes achieved. Tanzania claimed to have reduced illiteracy from 67% to 21% between 1971 and 1981 using an approach based on self reliance and socialist principles. Nicaragua mobilised 80,000 volunteers and used an approach based on concientisation based on local popular organisations Ethiopia employed 250,000 volunteers in 1979 to reach 11.5 million illiterates and claimed to have increased literacy from 7% to 45% over eight years. Okedara and Okedara (1992) have evaluate mass efforts in Nigeria and conclude that the results have been compromised by inadequate funding, sporadic activity and lack of materials and are circumspect about the confidence that can be placed in the success of the programmes. Little systematic data exists and it is rarely possible to decide whether literacy rapidly acquired is retained subsequently. Their methodological critiques apply to the claims made by other mass literacy campaigns which are usually heavily politically promoted and in which accurate reporting may be compromised by over enthusiastic attempts to meet ambitious targets.
Bordia and Kaul (1992) describe the Indian National Literacy Mission which involved inputs to primary and adult education in an integrated framework. Evaluation studies suggested that success levels were associated with programme duration, the relevance of course content, and the visibility of results to participants. They conclude
"We cannot always hold out the promise of a better future for literate people for the simple reason that mass education is not accompanied by redistributive justice and a dismantling of age-old social, economic and political power structures. If, therefore, young people in India are to pursue their literacy courses to a satisfactory level it has to be out of respect for learning, an assertion of personal will, and a motivational environment created by mass mobilisation" (Bordia end Kaul 1992:161).
The Regional Programme for the Eradication of Illiteracy in Africa launched in 1984 urged member states to eliminate illiteracy through a vigorously sustained two pronged campaign to universalise primary education and promote literacy for young people and adults (UNESCO 1984). The Major Project (Proyecto Principal) established in Latin America in the 1980's had similar objectives (Torres 1990). Other examples include The Arab Literacy Strategy (Al-Nasser 1990) and the Literacy Awareness Programme in Papua New Guinea (PNG 1991).
Examples of selective literacy campaigns include the Literacy for Income Generation Program for Women in Togo, Employment Orientated Learning in Indonesia, the Skill Training Program in Jamaica, the Small Farmers Development Project in Nepal, and the Training of Local Self Help Leaders in Burkina Faso. All of these take a narrower specification of both target groups and desirable outcomes than is common in the other approaches. Literacy is often linked to particular needs for skill generation and income earning.
Although much has been invested in literacy campaigns even less is known of their cost effectiveness than for most other aspects of educational investment. Cairns (1989) has reviewed what can be learnt from experience so far and highlights problems arising from lack of political will, over ambitious targets, poor administration and delivery, and the lack of detailed planning. He argues that there have been too few needs assessment studies, too much emphasis on the supply side of the problem, and ignorance of the technical aspects of the curriculum development of literacy materials.
The quality of literacy materials has been explored by Eisemon et al (1992) who stress the need to develop the kind of texts which have a value in everyday life. Research in Kenya based on understanding commercial medicine labels illustrates a gap between the skills taught and those necessary for comprehension of common instructions. The Adult Literacy Programme in Papua New Guinea has also suffered from a lack of suitably designed materials relevant to daily life (PNG 1991:143). Rodriguez has compiled an inventory of literacy teaching methods for Latin America and Vargas has provided a bibliography of post-literacy materials (both cited in Roca 1989). The curriculum development problems are linked to understanding of changes in the role of facilitators. Literacy which is aimed at empowerment requires a different set of skills than other more traditional approaches. Facilitators need to be intimately familiar with context, share to some extent the problems of participants, and be able to work with a participatory approach that arguably is not teacher centred (Commonwealth Institute 1991). Psychological insight and socio-political skills may as important as pedagogical skills in this approach.
The importance of post-literacy training has been stressed by many commentators (International Review of Education 35(4), 1989). Examples of such programmes are widespread, e.g. in China, India, Thailand, and these demonstrate the need for continuity and support to sustain literacy gains (Ahmed 1989). Easton (1989) draws attention to the needs for ensuring adequate opportunities for the application of new literacy skills. Lasway (1989) outlines the impact of post-literacy programmes in Tanzania and reports that these programmes have helped to increase income, improve health and nutrition practices, and have enhanced participation in local affairs.
NGO's have had a long and active role in coordinating adult literacy activities. The International Council for Adult Education has over 100 members from over 85 countries. The International Task Force on Literacy (ITFL) is a new coalition of NGO's. Hall (1989) has reviewed the activities of NGO's in Shri Lanka and Bangladesh and Rivero (1989) has explored NGO's contributions to post literacy programmes in Latin America. NGO's can have important advantages over official organisations in coordinating action, mobilising large numbers of volunteers and making good use of scarce resources. They may also be linked to popular movements which have overt or covert political agendas and they may therefore fall under the suspicion of governments. Freire has argued that some programme goals were compromised in Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome and Nicaragua (Lied and Johnston 1986) as a result. On the other hand government sponsored schemes may not capture the imagination of the people, especially where serious commitment to improve the conditions of illiterate and marginalised groups does not exist, and may suffer from indifference on the part of those they attempt to help.
Simple conclusions concerning literacy campaigns are difficult to reach since the experience is so varied. From the above we can distil several observations.
First, with regard to the. sustainability of literacy interventions mass adult literacy campaigns appear to be expensive if continued for any length of time. If they are continued it becomes difficult to maintain political will and high levels of resource mobilisation. Campaigns, which integrate primary education and adult literacy interventions seem more likely to include provision for post-literacy activity and be based on bottom up rather than top down pedagogic philosophies which make use of curriculum materials based on living skills. In these campaigns sociopolitical and psychological training is often argued as being as important as pedagogic training. Selective interventions have the advantage that they can be tailored more closely to the needs of particular groups. They may benefit from the ability to demonstrate valued outcomes more clearly than other approaches.
Second, cost effectiveness benefits from the deployment of voluntary workers who are well motivated. If political will can be sustained and imagination captured and directed towards achievable goals, costs are likely to be lower than with other modes of delivery. NGO's may be especially suited to this kind of mobilisation. Even illiterate parents can act as volunteers working with their children on common tasks. Where a high proportion of voluntary support is mobilised there remains a need for appropriately trained facilitators and for some material inputs that are otherwise likely to be unavailable e.g. printed materials.
Third, external assistance may need careful targeting on those areas where resource needs are most acute and where some comparative advantage lays. This may be most likely in relation to the technical skills of curriculum design and development, the production of literacy materials, and aspects of teacher/facilitator training. The danger exists that donor emphasis on supply side problems undervalues the importance of understanding effective demand for literacy and ensuring that investment in programme materials does not neglect the need for complementary action to motivate illiterates to become literate. Programmes that integrate a variety of development concerns (health, shelter, environment, employment) may encourage the perception of a range of benefits associated with the acquisition of literacy. External assistance seems most appropriate where there is already in place a locally developed strategy with political support and community involvement with some evidence of small scale success.
Fourth, special emphasis on the needs of women and other marginalised groups should remain a feature of literacy interventions. This is as true at the post-literacy level as for initial literacy. The benefits associated with raised literacy amongst women are extensive and are likely to have an impact on the level of literacy of children. Disproportionate numbers of illiterates are concentrated amongst marginalised groups and this often places them at a disadvantage in gaining access to support services that can raise incomes and alleviate poverty.
