3.1 Policies influencing the provision of information services for farmers
3.2 Farmer access to information provision
3.3 Farmer-to-farmer sharing of information
3.4 Definition of locally generated materials
3.5 Summary: Knowledge is power
The ultimate focus of the research is on just one of many possible sources of agricultural information for grassroots farmers; that of printed information. This may include a variety of forms; posters, leaflets, newsletters, booklets, newspapers or books, all directed towards communicating agricultural information in a semi-permanent form. Since there is a severe paucity of printed information targeted directly at grassroots farmers (Bhola, 1994; Chambers, 1993; Garforth and Lawrence, 1997), the research places the actual and potential role of print within an overall assessment of information sources. Information and networks aimed directly to communicate Primary Health Care principles and provide support at grassroots level are in most instances more effective than comparable farmer information systems.1
1 UCBHCA (Uganda Community Based Health Care Association) based in Entebbe, have numerous examples of excellent resource materials for health workers and their trainers.
The research impinges on three major areas of inter-relationship:
Firstly, there are the relationships between the potential providers of printed information, such as NGOs and government departments and those who receive printed information, in particular farmers and GDOs. Changing policies concerning development, extension, literacy and language will have a considerable impact upon this relationship.
Secondly, there is the more practical relationship between the type of farmer and their location and their access to printed information. This raises issues of distribution, availability, comprehension, cultural appropriateness and the use of mass media.
Thirdly, there is the relationship between farmers and other farmers in terms of how new information is shared and the factors which influence this.
Despite a growing proliferation of both academic and popular books and papers about the situation of farmers in developing countries and the best methods of meeting their needs, printed information which is specifically for grassroots farmers, for their own use, fails to attract similar interest. The following statement points to the heart of this research:
'If you give printed information to rural farmers, they will just throw it on the ground and let their children tear it up.'2
2 Personal interview (name withheld). Social and Economic Department of the Catholic Secretariat, Accra, Ghana February 1997.
Few officials in GOs and NGOs would state their views as bluntly. Nonetheless by their policies and practice, either deliberately or by default, many are silently in agreement with the general view that grassroots farmers in developing countries are largely non-literate. Further, they see that the most appropriate methods of meeting grassroots farmers' information needs is by oral means through intermediaries such as extension agents, development workers and trainers or by radio.
The following short story serves is an example of many that could be recounted during some 15 years of work experience in providing information services to farmers in developing countries by the researcher which results in a rather different outlook to that of the Ghanaian official quoted above. Whilst there is a considerable shortage of relevant printed materials aimed at grassroots farmers, rather than this being reinforced by farmer indifference to printed information, there may exist a considerable and unmet demand for printed information seen as relevant to them.
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Jotend Pur (Farmer Support) Training 1986, Saradidi Rural Health Project, W Kenya After spending several hours visiting Peter's farm with the opportunity to examine various new ideas with which he was experimenting, he took us home for refreshments. As we talked about the farmer group he belonged to, he stood up and took down a parcel from the top shelf. He carefully removed a thick outer plastic bag, untied the string which was holding a thick layer of newspaper and finally from within another plastic bag he removed a bundle of loose papers. These, he explained were his notes from agricultural training some 20 years earlier, which he had struggled to protect from termite and dust in his thatch and mud house. Whenever other farmers asked questions he could not answer or when he needed to remember details about crop spacing or pests, he would consult his notes, certainly every few weeks. They were his only source of written information and, as we watched the care with which he re-wrapped the package, obviously a much treasured possession |
3.1.1 Development policies
Recent decades have seen a general trend in policies concerning all aspects of development work away from earlier top-down, technology transfer methods towards more flexible and participatory bottom-up process approaches.
In 1963, Nyerere asserted that 'people cannot be developed, they can only develop themselves'. He continued by stating that people develop themselves through making their own decisions, increasing their understanding of what they are doing, by increasing their own knowledge and ability and through their full participation, as equals in the life of their community (Nyerere, 1974). His far sighted comments are now confirmed by a great weight of research and evidence in a number of different disciplines. For example, Srivastva (1978, p2) observes that, 'the wisdom and capacity of simple but very intelligent village people is often not used in plans for improving their welfare or health status... Development activities are run by those who do not have their roots in the village, and who do not directly understand the needs of the villagers.' And Taylor and Mackenzie (1992, p 257) observe that, 'the human potential, basic wisdom and knowledge of Africa's local people have been seriously underestimated.'
The most outsiders can do, suggests Carmen (1996), is to create favourable conditions for development through organising, guiding and helping so that people can 'discern' their own development needs rather than others trying to analyse needs on their behalf and initiate development projects 'for them'. A viewpoint which respects the knowledge of grassroots farmers and their ability to identify their own needs is key to establishing dialogue and a two-way exchange of information.
3.1.2 Inter-relationships with literacy policies and development
Over the colonial period as a whole there was minimal nation-wide promotion of literacy. This changed following Anderson's research (1966) which claimed that a 40% rate of literacy was a necessary threshold before economic development could take place. As Watson (1993) highlights, Anderson's findings had a huge political impact with the result that during the 1960s and 1970s, UNESCO poured billions of dollars into mass literacy campaigns throughout developing countries. The premise that productivity and profits could be raised if literacy levels were raised, persuaded both donor governments and multi-national companies to invest in functional adult literacy campaigns designed to pass on necessary literacy and numeracy skills to adults. Newly independent countries were keen to take education and literacy 'to the masses' and welcomed support for both education and adult literacy work.
Literacy rates have indeed risen in many countries in recent decades, rising from 31% to 51% between 1970 and 1995 in the 44 countries classified by the UNDP as within the category of 'low human development' (UNDP, 1998). However, with the number of non-literate people in the world now over one billion, considerable progress is still necessary with 60% of the adult population of the poorest 20 countries in the world, still estimated to be non-literate (UNDP, 1998). Early thinking was that once a proportion of adults had become literate, the emergence of primary schooling for all would render such campaigns unnecessary. However, a consequence of structural adjustment programmes and international debt repayments among other factors, has been a decline in the expenditure on education throughout many developing countries, despite substantial increases in the number of school age children. Teacher salaries in many parts of Sub-Saharan Africa have fallen to such a level that it is no longer possible to support a family without resorting to other sources of income, with severe consequences on the standard of schooling provided (Allsop and Brock, 1993).
In the 1960s literacy was thus seen as an essential component of development. However, as literacy rates rose, albeit often slowly, the anticipated corresponding rise in economic development failed to materialise in any significant manner (Watson, 1993). Few literacy campaigns proved sustainable in the long term. From the early 1970s onward, attitudes began to change when it was observed that many self help activities could be run with only a handful of literate members. Literacy was no longer seen by many as 'essential' for development but as having an important role to play. Street (1990) is well known for his examination of this issue and the remarkable changes in perceptions of literacy in development. Bhola (1994) still believes that literacy is a prerequisite for development, not simply for the skills it imparts, but because it allows individuals to use their minds in new and different ways bringing a new sense of freedom. Many others, however, (Alam, 1989; Walker, 1996) believe that literacy only plays a supporting role in development. Friere (1972) was an early and vehement critic of traditional primer based adult literacy work which aimed to simply transfer skills from teacher to learner - the 'banking concept' of education. His once revolutionary concept of using generative words and themes to encourage discussion and exploration of the learners societal situation, is now widely adopted. Innovative literacy programmes are now rarely simply equated with 'literacy to get things done' but rather as a stepping stone to a heightened awareness of social issues. Walker (1996) stresses that it is the approach to literacy teaching which is of most relevance. If literacy is indeed to encourage development, then each society needs to adapt literacy practices to meet the unique needs of their own community. Archer (1994) believes that failure to stimulate dialogue and awareness in literacy classes, contributed to the 88% drop-out or failure rate noted in a World Bank discussion paper (Abadzi, 1994).
African society is bound closely by kinship, family and friendship ties. The presence of some literate individuals within a group may provide a means of access to new innovations and developments for other group members who themselves lack literacy. Illiteracy may not necessarily be a barrier for the sharing of recent news from the newspaper or indeed of all kinds of information between friends or within a close group. Useful and relevant printed information may be widely shared and discussed between literate and non-literate. Nowadays, reading is seen as a solitary pursuit in industrialised countries and yet this was not the case in previous centuries.
The desire to achieve literacy may be hindered not only by apprehension of the effort and difficulty involved and the likelihood of being made to feel inadequate, but may also be considerably influenced by the amount of reading material available of interest (Gfeller, 1997). Maintaining and enhancing literacy skills can only be encouraged if there is reading material available, preferably in local languages, and which is accessible, relevant and of interest (Rogers, 1995).
3.1.3 Language policies and development
There are over a thousand local languages spoken in Sub-Saharan Africa (Roy-Campbell, 1990) with 400 languages in Nigeria and 230 in Cameroon alone (Robinson, 1990). The European colonialists' answer to this complex situation was simply to introduce their own languages as the means of communication. Africa now has a legacy of education and administration systems based on 'foreign' international languages and models. Out of over 50 African states, only nine - Somalia, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Madagascar, Rwanda, Seychelles, Mauritius and Burundi - have a common official African language spoken by over 90% of the population (Bamgbose, 1991). Language choice is therefore often a highly sensitive political as well as a social issue since, as Mackey (1989) notes, the majority of African people have no knowledge of the official language of their country, despite the fact that this is the means of communication between the government and its citizens.
In most African countries children begin primary schooling using their local language where they then learn to read and write in the official language. At secondary school they are then taught in this official language. In nearly all cases, pupils receive education in a language which is at best a second language and often a foreign language (Robinson, 1994; Fordham, 1994; Baker et al, 1996).
Although at national level governments have often adopted a 'laissez-faire' attitude towards their support of local languages, informed choices at community level, especially in rural areas, will always be debated in the local language. Jenkins (1981) believes that discussion in one's first language in which all participants are comfortable and articulate, is usually essential if a significant change in attitudes or practices is to take place. Informed debate and discussion leading to changes in behaviour and attitude might be enhanced if grassroots development literature were available in the local language.
3.1.4 Inter-relationships between extension policies and farmers
Extension practice has undergone significant changes in the past few decades. Early practice aimed to increase agricultural productivity largely through the adoption of new, 'scientific' technologies and methods. Extension agents were taught 'improved' modern practices and provided with back-up from research stations and support services. A typical approach was the Training and Visit' system given considerable support by the World Bank. Here, the role of extension agents was clear; they were to tell farmers about the improved new methods of crop and livestock husbandry. Such transfer of technology approaches were directive and linear (Tillman et al, 1991). They involved the transfer of knowledge based on a top down hierarchical model (Rogers, 1993). More marginal farmers (by far the majority) often found little of relevance in the particular technologies being extended. The experience of farmers was given little credence. Farmers who did not participate were regarded as 'laggards' rather than people who may have made quite rational decisions not to adopt certain technologies. In addition women were often regarded as 'gardeners' and therefore invisible to extension services (Warren, 1991). Though largely discredited in terms of their effectiveness, approaches based on the World Bank's Training and Visit system of extension are still in operation today, and in some areas extension agents are still trained in linear approaches (Purcell and Anderson, 1997). Gradually though these are being superseded by 'Farmer First' approaches.
The Farmer First model, which takes the farmer's own needs and priorities as its starting point, is sometimes referred to as 'second generation extension'. Researchers and practitioners such as Chambers (1983), Havelock (1973) and Bunch (1985) have played an important role in pioneering these concepts. In this approach the farmer is regarded as having considerable experience and understanding and research is more often located on farms than on research stations. Communication has sought to be two way. Farmers' needs are identified and the role of the extension agent becomes one of communicating these needs to researchers and decision makers. They will then transfer a package of knowledge and advice to farmers to meet these needs. In practice, however, this approach has also proved top-down. The extension agent and researcher have still been regarded as having all the answers. Farmers are generally not encouraged to find their own solutions. In addition, farmer to farmer communication is frequently ignored (McCorkle and MacClure, 1995). All too often, as Chambers (1994, pxiii) comments, 'the Farmer-First label and the rhetoric of participation have been adopted without the substance'.
Rogers (1993) describes a third approach to extension policy, which he has called 'third generation' or a 'farmer-led' approach. This is built on two premises - firstly that knowledge cannot be transferred since individuals need to create their own knowledge (echoing Freire's (1972) comments on education), and secondly, that learning is a lifelong process in which farmers are already involved, solving their own problems, often with considerable skill and expertise. Third generation approaches to extension seek to reduce farmer dependency on extension agents, encouraging farmers instead to question, analyse and experiment themselves with information available to them. The decentralisation of extension services in many countries has often eased the transition towards a more interactive relationship with farmers. These approaches demand significant changes in the role and attitudes of extension agents. Their role should become one of facilitators assisting farmers in finding appropriate solutions rather than of trainers passing on knowledge.
Integral within farmer-led approaches is the importance of farmer to farmer communication. 'Farmer-to-farmer extension' is defined by Scarborough et al (1997, p5) as 'the emergence of a movement initiated and sustained by farmers where most innovations are generated by farmers themselves, with occasional external support and provision of training by farmers, to farmers, often through the creation of a structure of farmer-promoters and farmer-trainers'. The best and most widely occurring example of this is the campesino-a-campesino movement within South America, where farmers not only initiate the process but in addition manage the exchange of information between farmers.
These Farmer-led approaches echo the general shift in development paradigms; that for genuine progress it is the farmers themselves who are most likely to initiate and sustain improvements in agriculture, given awareness of new ideas and given that advice is available when requested (Tillman et al, 1991). Even the word 'extension' is now rejected by many who oppose the 'extension' of any one ' correct message or technology in one direction, preferring an ongoing communication between farmer, researcher and trainer. New terms, more in keeping with changes in approach are heeded, such as facilitators. However, norms and attitudes acquired over a lifetime of work experience and set within institutional and organisational culture, cannot be easily reversed, whether of extension workers, managers and policy makers or, indeed, of farmers.
Much of the printed information distributed by extension services still 'tells' farmers the correct methods to use in crop or animal husbandry, rather than giving value to local practice, encouraging discussion and experimentation with alternative techniques (Scarborough et al, 1997).
3.1.5 Recognition of indigenous knowledge within extension services
At the heart of the changes in extension policies lies a fundamental change in attitudes towards indigenous knowledge. Approaches that assume that documented and statistically valid scientific knowledge will provide the only correct answer, tend to be linear and top-down with little or no room for adaptation. As awareness and respect for indigenous knowledge has grown, so the need for a two-way flow of information has increased.
Indigenous knowledge is the knowledge of local people which may be unique to their culture or locality. It may be acquired through the sharing of cultural beliefs, through observation and experience and through an intimate knowledge of their surroundings. Warren et al (1995, p426) define it as 'the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society'. This knowledge has accumulated over many centuries and often includes very detailed and sophisticated knowledge of local fauna and flora. Traditionally such knowledge may be encoded within rituals, dances or poetry, for example, to enable its accurate transmission to new generations.
Until recently, indigenous knowledge was rarely valued by researchers and extension agents. Indeed it was often viewed as something of a handicap, preventing the more rapid uptake of new innovations (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971). Jiggins (1989) highlights two reasons as to why indigenous knowledge among farmers in developing countries has been so little regarded by research stations and agricultural departments. She comments that the establishment of expatriate plantations during colonial times for cash crops grown largely outside their country of origin, meant that there was no 'in situ' indigenous knowledge to draw upon for these crops. In addition the 'very speed of acquisition' of African territory by European powers 'tended to reinforce belief in the superior values and knowledge of the appropriators', thus further reinforcing a lack of confidence in indigenous knowledge (Jiggins, 1989,p71).
The research stations and associated extension services built up to service plantation farmers and larger commercial farmers in particular, saw little reason to question the superiority of the 'scientific knowledge' systems of the Western world. Other knowledge systems were either unacknowledged or seen as incompatible. However, as Mundy and Compton (1995) point out, growing numbers of scientists and development professionals now realise the value of incorporating indigenous knowledge into development efforts. Such knowledge can provide low cost, locally adapted, targeted and sustainable solutions to development problems. Practices of local farmers, once regarded as 'primitive' or 'old fashioned' are now being re-evaluated as highly appropriate, sustainable and environmentally sound, such as inter-cropping, low tillage and seed selection. Both knowledge systems are now widely acknowledged to have validity, but those best placed to make value judgements in situ are likely to be those who have access to and experience of both.
Though in short supply, some printed agricultural information targeted at grassroots farmers may be available. However, numerous factors may influence its accessibility to farmers and few of them have the opportunity to actively choose between a variety of sources of printed information.
3.2.1 Distribution and communication networks
Current trends in world communication leave people, notably the poorest, in many rural areas of developing countries at a considerable disadvantage in receiving and exchanging information with others outside their immediate community. Outside the capital and major cities, inhabitants of smaller towns and rural areas of developing countries generally lack good access to electricity and telephones. In the least developed countries (UNDP, 1998) there are just three telephone lines for every 1,000 people and in most rural areas there is less than one telephone for every 1,000 people (Hamelink, 1995). Postal services and newspaper deliveries may be hampered by poor transport. UNDP (1997) reports an average of one newspaper copy per 1,000 people in Sub-Saharan Africa; this is likely to be lower still in rural areas. There are few outlets for the sale or distribution of printed agricultural information outside capital cities or major cities. Trade fairs may provide an outlet for such materials to farmers, but generally not the poorest.
The Internet continues to bring astounding leaps in communication throughout industrial countries. Many have assumed that Internet access will ease the information shortages within developing countries. Undoubtedly, considerable benefits are already resulting to well equipped and funded GOs and NGOs with access to the Internet, though old and unstable telephone lines may make data transmission very slow and correspondingly expensive. However, information is rarely available on the Internet in anything but the major international languages, presenting another barrier to wider access. In rural areas, direct access to the Internet is likely to remain limited for some considerable time. Information gained through Internet access will therefore need to be passed on either orally or through print (Richardson, 1997).
In all aspects of communication networking, isolated rural areas are likely to be disadvantaged. Radio broadcasts, particularly using local languages, are one means of sharing information. They are, however, more suitable for building awareness than for conveying detailed information. The postal network remains one of the few - usually reliable, if slow-methods of sharing and exchanging information in such areas.
3.2.2 Comprehension and cultural appropriateness
Further limitations to information access arise through barriers to comprehension. The combination of education, literacy and language policies result in many farmers having literacy skills that may not be adequate to fully comprehend technical publications, particularly when these are in the official language, rather than a local language. The need for the use of straightforward and plain language is not always appreciated by those producing publications. Secondary school agricultural textbooks may meet this need, though these will always be in the official language. Extension service publications may range from simple booklets, conveying little detailed information, to technical reports. The need for the authors of such material to co-operate with personnel with an understanding of literacy skills, may not always be appreciated (Gfeller, 1997; Langdon, 1997).
In a situation of scarcity, where demand for printed information is high, there may be little opportunity for farmers to express preferences both in language usage and design of materials. However, it could be argued that where there is such scarcity and shortage of resources, there is an even greater need to ensure materials are as appropriate and relevant to their target audience as possible. There is a need for the more common 'top down' approach of development training materials to change to encourage farmer to farmer sharing, local experimentation and the use of relevant indigenous knowledge (Scarborough et al, 1997).
3.3.1 Collective action and decision making
Eyben and Ladbury (1995) comment on how 'classic development theory' has centred around community action in small-scale traditional village society where homogeneity of common interest is assumed, together with the community's willingness to co-operate in implementing development projects. However, this idealised notion of community may prove a real barrier to understanding the nature of participation. Within any village there will be different groupings based on gender, skills and livelihood, wealth, caste, age, land ownership, ethnic groupings, educational status and access to influence and political power, not to mention more personal linkages through character, kinship and friendship.
Oakley and Winder (1981) discovered in all the participatory projects they studied in India and Latin America that effective social development work was based upon group as opposed to village or community development. Burkey (1993) suggests the formation of clearly defined groups may reflect a dissatisfaction with the practice of community or village focused development. Though social groupings have always existed, there is evidence of a rapid growth in the number of social groups in the past two decades noted by Melucci (1992) and Forsyth (1983). This process is perceived to bring benefits not just to those who are members through the social and practical progress they may bring, but also to outside agencies who see them as a cost-effective and convenient entry point for reaching larger numbers of people to provide support or training.
Whilst groups may take longer to assess the value of new ideas in agriculture than individual 'contact farmers or innovators', ultimately they may prove of far greater significance in the effective introduction, flow and application of useful exogenous information. A relaxed group situation with open discussion may allow some members to experiment without the fear of ridicule from other members. The process of translating and discussing printed information within a group setting may lead to a deeper knowledge and fuller understanding (Langdon, 1997). However, information shared through translation will only be useful if the translator's understanding and linguistic skills are adequate.
The subsequent openness of group members to new ideas and their support of members who implement or adapt such information, may well be substantially enhanced. Garforth and Munro (1995, p 13) comment that through association, people 'find a strength, an ability to generate change that they could never achieve on their own. 'People may be better able and inclined to take more risk as a collective unit than as individuals. Members who meet together over a number of years may do much to encourage each other, to build up trust, share skills and increase their confidence, both as individuals and as a unit. But as Rowlands (1995) observes, even to participate in a group, you require a minimal sense of your own abilities and worth, and you need to overcome the major obstacle of finding time to participate. It may be difficult for the poorest and least confident members of a community to become involved in groups.
3.3.2 Information channels
A study in Mali (Simpson, 1994), found that farmers were over five times as likely to get information on agricultural innovations through 'informal' channels than from those of the formal research and extension systems. Women were more than twice as likely as men to receive their information from such informal information sources. For men, kinship sources were closely followed in importance by friends, neighbours and persons in the market place. Women, with less free time for socialising, received most of their information through kinship ties and also members of their various work groups. Farmers participating in organised efforts to promote farmer to farmer exchanges reported immediate benefits in terms of increased knowledge of new varieties and, more importantly, observed a rise in self-confidence and curiosity (Simpson, 1994).
Ramirez's (1997) recent research in the Philippines, Ethiopia and Peru studied communication linkages between researchers, the extension services, local providers of information and farmers using the Rapid Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge Systems (RAAKS) methodology developed by Engel et al (1997). Strong horizontal linkages were revealed within the separate groupings of farmers, extension staff and researchers but the vertical linkages between these different groups were very weak, confirming Simpson's findings.
Brown (1991) suggests that gauging information flow could provide a meaningful and less subjective indicator of social development than present methods used to examine the degree of empowerment within communities. The flow of such information should include not only the exogenous information systems available to local people, but also a wide range of indigenous sources of information. He suggests several key indicators of social development, including the diversity and range of information flows, the permeability and diffusion of information and the relationship between information flows and decision-making.
This research has drawn on Brown's suggestion of examining information flow, highlighting printed information as just one element of an overall flow of information for grassroots farmers.
3.3.3 Gender influences in information flow
It is estimated that women typically carry out 70% of agricultural activity in developing countries, that 40 to 50% of households are female headed, and that in a third of households, women provide the main income (Creevey, 1996). Attitudes which marginalise women clearly make little sense. However, extension services often direct much of their information sharing role towards men. The assumption that information delivered to male farmers will be passed on to their wives is largely incorrect and demeaning. Research in Nepal by Subedi et al (1996) illustrates this point. It revealed strong horizontal communication patterns between males, but very weak communication patterns between males and females.
Research carried out among rural women in Nigeria by Eboh (1993) found that their access to information via extension agents was minimal and 75% of those interviewed either did not know or had never benefited in any way from their extension agent. Their major source of information was from farmers' organisations, either through membership or through friends who were members. Husbands were also a source of information but of much less significance. The lack of access to, and poor quality of education for girls continues to inhibit their awareness and confidence. Women may choose collective action in women-only groups to provide them with the confidence, opportunities and influence in decision-making that their individual situations deny them.
Locally generated materials (LGM) are of particular interest in this research in that they may have great potential to meet the needs of grassroots farmers for information.
Rogers (1993) lists locally generated materials as having a number of benefits, however poorly produced:
· They add to the motivation of those who use the materials.
· The contents are relevant to the local situation.
· Producing the materials itself promotes further learning.
· The processes involved lead to great increases in confidence building and empowerment.
· They encourage the use of literacy skills.
Rogers does not define the term 'local' and indeed it is hard to give categorical definitions. However, for the purpose of this study, 'local' will refer either to a clearly defined section of population (eg: all farmers reached through a district extension office) or else to an ethnic grouping, usually defined by language usage, in a distinct regional area. Few indigenous
African languages are used as official languages, some exceptions being Kinyrwanda and KiSwahili (which is not a true indigenous language and covers many ethnic groups), so this definition would rarely extend to a whole country. In many cases, locally generated materials will refer to small scale, low cost materials. However, if use of a distinct language for a large ethnic group is included in the definition, this will occasionally cover a much larger target group and may include materials produced and translated outside the target audience area.
Such materials need not be printed information, they can also include posters, hand written notes or duplicated news sheets. Their actual production may be viewed as a measure of empowerment, but it is also likely that their usage may encourage the empowerment of rural people's associations who benefit from them. At their best, locally generated materials may incorporate the use of local languages, the support of adult education and literacy promotion in the local languages and the promotion of a sense of pride in people's indigenous culture and traditions.
Training courses and adequate books and manuals on the production of locally generated materials are extremely scarce. This is an area which does not fit comfortably into any one neat definition or subject heading. It has links with post-literacy materials, the promotion of indigenous knowledge, the promotion of local languages and with non-formal adult education. The networking of individuals producing locally generated materials and the sharing of their insights, skills and experience is piecemeal and fragmented, if indeed it takes place at all. Even though such groups may work in local languages there will be some individuals able to communicate within international languages with others both within and outside their countries, thereby enhancing the sharing of experiences and useful subject materials.
The distribution of information in local languages may not guarantee the survival of minority languages. However, if there is a desire to share information in local languages within viable language groupings, and this is backed up by a genuine demand for such information, then the propagation of such information may well enhance cultural identity and empowerment.
Materials which may be used as information sources may include technical information from Departments of Agriculture, cultural stories and proverbs, indigenous knowledge, newsletters both local and international, textbooks and case studies. One major hurdle for those involved in the production of locally generated materials to overcome, is in their perception of the abilities of the target audience. Many rural farmers may have lacked the opportunity for much exposure to formal education. There is a delicate balance between writing simply for people in ways which patronise the readers, and alternatively writing in a straightforward manner for people who have to overcome the barriers of poor literacy levels, comprehension in a second or third language and without the benefits of formal education.
Hamelink (1993) summarises and combines the 1966 UNESCO declaration of the principles of international cultural co-operation with the International Bill of Human Rights, to describe an 'international human right to knowledge'. He argues that everyone has the right to knowledge and to have access to knowledge. No one should arbitrarily be deprived of sources of knowledge. The right to knowledge should imply due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others. All peoples and all nations have the duty to share with one another their knowledge. The right to knowledge from this perspective includes the right to participate in public decision-making on the development and utilisation of knowledge.
Hamelink makes no distinction between knowledge and information and the above might read more accurately if information was substituted for knowledge in most cases. However in his assertions of the right to knowledge (ie: information), the point made by cleverly making the link with the Bill of Human Rights is a striking one.
Present reality, Hamelink concludes, falls far short of this ideal and the information sources available to two individuals in different settings provide an indication of the information gap.
3.5.1 An example of differing access to information
Consider the relative situation of innovative farmers in industrial and developing countries who are troubled by an unknown crop disease. Angus, based near York, UK, has many reference books and periodicals in his office, telephone and Email access to a number of experts and diagnosis laboratories, not just within the UK but further afield, a University reference library within 10 miles and immediate access to agricultural suppliers who can deliver chemicals. Within 24 hours Angus can obtain several expert viewpoints both of the disease and its treatment and take action as he deems fit.
Margaret is based in Rwancereere, S W Uganda. She is able to consult other local farmers who may be equally at a loss. She can send a message to an extension agent via someone who is travelling to Kabale in several days time, knowing that the agent may not visit for several months, especially if their fuel supplies are already allocated for that quarter's budget. She has no books, simply some out of date diploma notes from a nearby farmer which make no reference to this disease. There is no reference library except in the capital city's university, Makerere, 300 miles away, to which she could not obtain access. Her choices are limited to experimenting with local remedies found to be effective against other diseases and asking any visitors who may pass through the area. An accurate diagnosis and the appropriate treatment may be found within one, maybe two years with the subsequent loss of intervening crops to this disease.
Will the assurance that her indigenous knowledge is of value be enough to enable her to make valid choices in such a vacuum? Angus, in contrast, can place his own knowledge and experience alongside a wide variety of viewpoints and solutions. (Based on personal interviews with these two individuals, 1996)
People will struggle to gain more knowledge if they are denied access to relevant information for whatever reason, whether through policy, language ability or lack of funding. Awareness grows with the ability to make choices. Enabling farmers to make their own choices with the support of access to useful printed information may prove empowering.
Design preferences - Bulange Women's Association, Uganda.
