8.1 Potential of Rural People's Associations
8.2 Role of animators
8.3 Indicators of empowerment with regard to information access among farmer groups
8.4 Factors influencing information flow and empowerment
8.5 Potential for locally generated agricultural materials and their role in empowerment
This section draws together the research findings and examines the insights they provide into the research questions concerning the potential role of printed agricultural training materials in enhancing information access and empowerment among farmer groups.
The research findings represent two country case studies from which lessons can be drawn and which may have a wider applicability, in that the findings were not limited to one country, or one region within a country, or any one ethnic group, or to areas of high agricultural potential. The research's use of three different phases to draw out findings both from organisations producing agricultural information and examples of intended beneficiaries, though occasionally confusing, has nevertheless revealed important aspects of information access and sharing. The findings reveal an enormous, largely unmet hunger for relevant agricultural information through the printed word, both among grassroots farmers and organisations sharing information. Secondly, they confirm that even where outside support is lacking, farmers will work collectively to support each other and share advice and information informally. Thirdly, they reveal that though not always easily apparent, and despite severe shortages of resources, there are still organisations with a clear focus on supporting the needs of farmers for information, pointing to a potential for the improved production, content and distribution of locally generated materials.
During the research, few materials which could be deemed locally generated were observed in the hands of the members from farmer groups. Given that comments on general printed information were favourable, even though these views were often made on the basis, for example, of an old school textbook or a few handouts on new seed varieties, more widely appropriate materials in local languages should meet with a considerably higher level of appreciation.
It is clear that genuine locally generated materials were in very short supply. Those producing such materials may be aware of the needs of their target audience, but they were generally limited in meeting those needs by a lack of the funds required for production, staff and equipment. Larger national organisations tended to have their own priorities, including the need to enhance networking with other organisations and to convince donors of their effectiveness, and in consequence were less likely to produce locally generated materials.
During the planning stage the decision was made to visit farmers in established groups for several reasons. Firstly, it was a convenient way of discovering the views of many more farmers than would have been possible through individual interviews and, secondly, it would allow the flow of information into, within and out of the group to be revealed. By establishing the criteria that the selected groups should be autonomous and have been established for two to three years rather than using groups formed at the convenience of, for example, NGOs or extension agents, the intention was to avoid groups where the flow of information was largely determined from outside the group.
These combined criteria ensured that a fascinating array of largely independent farmer associations were met. The level of organisation, openness to new ideas and potential for action exhibited by these groups proved a considerable and rewarding surprise.
The informal social support systems exhibited within associations were an important binding strength. The nature of support varied considerably but tended to be stronger among female or mostly female groups who were more likely to work together and spend more time in each other's company. Older women talked of the reassurance they felt in knowing that during sickness and death, other members would support them and appear in large numbers for their funeral. Younger women talked of help and counselling received. Some groups practised informal savings and credit systems whereby each member either paid a regular sum of money or amount of crop produce which benefited one member in turn. Some associations mentioned that if a member was in financial problems their turn might be brought forward.
Though the benefits of improving information flow were still not reaching the poorest in rural communities, nevertheless empowered groups keen to share relevant information and living and working alongside them were more likely to extend information than any outside agency. A willingness to believe in the potential of self-formed, collective groupings and use them as a means of extending information provides a challenge to the methods of working adopted by many NGOs. Ideas found of benefit in the support and building up of groups, such as facilitating group travel, group workshops in the community and funding training by group members, may rarely meet donor objectives and time limits, yet their benefits may prove profound and far reaching.
8.1.1 Confidence building observed within associations
Of considerable interest was the observed increase in confidence which individuals, and notably women, had apparently gained through group membership. Confidence was assessed through the pride expressed in their achievements and the apparent ability of individuals to influence their future, to speak out with assurance and to initiate contact with staff from outside agencies. For example, members of Buluba Youth Group and CARD were proud of their experience and understanding of sustainable agricultural techniques and confident of their ability to share these with others; members of Bikyiiteng Bullock farmers had gained confidence and enthusiasm in their work of introducing bullock farming in their community; members of Tangiybe Beekeepers were confident in pursuing their aims of networking and supporting beekeepers within their region.
Such confidence was also apparent among women's groups which had achieved some progress and who talked proudly of their previous situations, difficulties overcome and the steps which had led to their present situation. Members of Kyebajja Tobona Bulange Women's Association, Uganda, had great pride in the wells dug and capped, the grain mill established and progress made with literacy training in their area. They now had the confidence to approach donor agencies for help and advice. Members of Sokode Gbobame Novisi Women's Cooperative Credit Union had established their reputation with very successful roadside vegetable plots in 1991. With profits raised they began poultry keeping and subsequently bought a grain mill using a loan. Their rapport with the male extension agent was marked and the leaders had confidence in meeting with other NGOs in the area, both unusual activities for women.
Also noticeable was the confidence of women members among mixed gender groups. Women members were often uninhibited in speaking out in a relaxed way in the presence of male members. Such confidence is in sharp contrast to the more usual perception of rural women's lack of participation in open community meetings (Chambers, 1983; Creevey, 1996). Examples of such confidence were found in all regions and in both Uganda and Ghana.
Animators were both a frequent source of new ideas and the people most likely to identify the needs of the group for further information. Tilakaratna (1987) defines them as development workers who assist the self-mobilisation of the poor, but his comparison to the work of development workers is not entirely inline with these findings. Zivetz (1990) is another of the few individuals who makes reference to the empowering role of animators (though Havelock (1973) also refers to them, defining them as 'user system mobilisers'). From Zivetz's experience in West Africa, he comments that the majority of animators come from within the community where they are a driving force and yet in some way or other they are usually 'outside' this community in terms of previous experience and exposure. They may, for example, have spent time in government service or worked elsewhere. They are more likely to be literate and have some education than the average community member. In addition, their horizons may have been widened through exposure to outside influences. The research findings serve to confirm Zivetz's views. Generally, women animators were less likely to have worked outside their community, although sometimes they had either accompanied or visited their husbands working away from home. There seems surprisingly little reference to animators in other research, considering how their presence (or absence) within any given group could usually be identified after half an hour of observing group rapport and discussion.
Most animators would be likely to fall within Rogers' (1995) definition of 'early adopters', revealed by their openness to try out and adapt new ideas. Rogers uses the term 'opinion leaders' to describe individuals who observe the reactions of both innovators and traditionalists to new ideas and implement change when they judge it worthwhile. Opinion leaders tend to be held in considerable respect by others in the community.
Oakley et al (1981) comment on the necessary characteristics required by what they refer to as 'agents' (development workers or group organisers), without which they would prove ineffective. They list these as humility, commitment, sensitivity and self-confidence. The animators met during this research did indeed exhibit all or nearly all of these characteristics. Animators were not initially included as part of the research as their key role within autonomous groups had not been anticipated. However, their very obvious role within the first groups visited highlighted the need to include them as part of the research. Their openness to new ideas, the respect in which they were held by members, together often with a higher than average level of access to printed information and formal education, make them an ideal target for distributing information. Moemeka (1990) talks of the common practice of 'You buy, I read for the group' whereby those who read (in this case referring to newspapers) are people who are trusted and respected within the group, engendering reassurance and acceptance of new ideas. Animators, by virtue both of their respected position within the group and often better than average levels of literacy, were often 'people who read for the group'.
The key role that they play needs wider acknowledgement and support. However, though one outcome might be to target training, information and support to known animators, it must also be acknowledged that their success is largely due to the fact that they are seen as integral to the group and community by other members. Any form of support which directly targets them, may change this dynamic. If they are seen to receive special attention, training or financial rewards for their work, this may result in a widening gulf with other members, threatening the whole basis of their effectiveness. Support, such as printed information, access to workshops and training, utilisation of members for training other groups, should thus be targeted at the wider group, whilst acknowledging that animators will be generally be the ones to utilise and extend this support. Extension agents and development workers could seek to develop their rapport with known animators, both male and female, ensuring that the animator feels readily able to call on them for advice or support.
Studies of group formation and development are well researched and documented. Forsyth (1983) details the five widely accepted stages of group development: forming, storming (resolving conflict), norming or cohesion, performing and adjourning. By choosing to study autonomous farmer groups who had already worked together for several years, the initial stages were rarely observed during this research. In addition the groups visited were still functioning as groups and none were likely to dissolve in the immediate future. With the exception of six groups who were still in the initial three stages of group development, most of the remaining groups could be described as within the 'performing' stage whereby they were operating as social units and achieving various tasks and goals collectively. Within this stage there were marked differences observed in the functioning of the group, such as the level of participation and the degree of empowerment observed amongst members.
Brown's (1991) suggestion that information flow may provide an indicator of social development and a possible means of understanding how information flow and empowerment relate to one another, was introduced in section 3.3.2.
A detailed assessment of the characteristics of the 75 RPAs and GDOs encountered during the research suggests that various levels could be proposed with regard to observed information flow and empowerment. A total of five levels are therefore proposed with regard to the groups' access, use and ownership of information. The level of empowerment with regard to information access increases through the various levels. These levels describe the attributes of a group as an entity and may not apply equally to all members in the group, since some individuals will have more confidence than others. These levels therefore describe group characteristics; the sum of their members potential. Figure 6 provides a summary of these levels and key indicators for each level.
Figure 6: Indicators of information flow with regard to its contribution to empowerment
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LEVEL I |
Mobilisation |
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LEVEL II |
Confidence in collective purpose and the sharing of experience |
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LEVEL III |
Confidence in the use of information to encourage change within the group |
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LEVEL IV |
Confidence in group's ability to extend influence |
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LEVEL V |
Empowered to enhance information sharing within local community |
8.3.1 Level I - Mobilisation
A number of groups appeared to be at the point of mobilisation. Their characteristics and experience illustrated the way in which groups at the early stages of mobilisation seemed heavily dependent on one source of exogenous information, usually a worker from an NGO, and exhibited little evidence of a flow of information among their members. Included within this level are both groups which were yet to organise themselves into a functioning entity and groups which were so dependent on an NGO for support and direction that they could not be regarded as acting wholly independently.
Two of the RPAs examined in Uganda and Ghana had not yet organised themselves into formal groupings but were considering the possibility. One was a small group of men and women in Kyamatambamre, Uganda, considering forming a group after joining a literacy class together and through the example of a nearby group, the Nyabuhama Bakyara Twimukye. The second was a large group of men in Pianloco, northern Ghana, who were spurred into considering the possibility of acting as a formal group by the example of an active women's group, the Tambie Poab Noryine.
'When we saw how effective the women's unity was to the community, we were inspired to get organised.'PIANLOCO MEN
Both groups had thus become aware of the benefits of collective action by the example of another group and both groups seemed likely to take things forward, though the men of Pianloco were a large group with some very strong characters who were struggling to achieve any kind of consensus about their priorities and mode of action (the conflict stage).
Of particular interest are the views of the men and women in Kyamatambamre regarding friends. They rejected friends as a source of information, saying, 'Friends don't help us', 'Sometimes friends are jealous and don't want to share good ideas' (implying that so-called' friends' preferred to keep good ideas to themselves). No other group shared this view. Certainly there was no evidence of group bonding among these people, in sharp contrast to the close bonding, friendship and sharing of ideas noted within established groups.
Also included within Level I were groups which appeared to be very dependent on the support of personnel from an NGO acting as an umbrella organisation. These groups tended to adopt only ideas which came from the umbrella organisation and had little or no contact with other exogenous sources of information. They often appeared lacking in confidence. Some examples included Kakora, a kinship group supported by Salem, Uganda. Salem had provided the Kakora group with a small piece of land for growing crops and had suggested and helped with establishing pig husbandry. However, the animals observed were in poor condition and the venture had not been very successful. In northern Ghana the long established Segru Women's Group was comprised mostly of elderly ladies. The group has received support from Nandom Agricultural Project (NAP), a Catholic NGO and with their encouragement began pig husbandry. However, this has not been too successful and it has proved hard to feed the pigs adequately. This group lacked any apparent animator, members lacked confidence in their secretary and had lost nearly half of their members. They have worked collectively to establish pig husbandry and make decisions. However, they have very limited access to exogenous information and NAP is their only long term contact. Their inability to make progress stems to be partly from a lack of dynamic members to lead the group forward and partly from poor advice in recommending pig husbandry without sufficient food supplies.
Two other groups, BIGA (Bio Intensive Gardeners Association) and OBAFA (Osupunu Banks Agroforestry Farmers Association), fell into this category, though both were likely to quickly mobilise their members and make progress. These were two new groups which formed as a result of training in organic agriculture received at the Ghana Rural Reconstruction Movement project centre at Yensi, southeast Ghana. Members came from a widely scattered geographical area which makes meeting and acting collectively difficult. Their motivation was commendable in wishing to support each other in trying out new techniques. However, they were still very dependent on the support of staff at the GhRRM project where they met. Their wide geographical distribution may hinder the formation of collective groupings able to work together.
The six RPAs which fall into this level were open to change and new ideas. Some were very new, others well established, but all lacked confidence in their achievements as a group and were heavily dependent on one source of project-based exogenous information. In addition the lack or loss of good leadership may cause groups to lack purpose and fail to progress. Geographical dispersion is likely to make it difficult to establish close relationships between members and to work together regularly.
Indicators for Level I could include:
· awareness of needs
· recipients of outside aid and decision-making
· dependent on one source of exogenous information.
8.3.2 Level II - Confidence in collective purpose and the sharing of experience
Thirty one RPAs and GDOs were placed within this second level. In addition to establishing definite aims and a sense of collective identity, easily identifiable by the formal appointment of officers and sometimes an executive committee, these groups were characterised by their ability to share their experiences within the group. They exhibited a sense of ownership of their activities which enhanced this sharing and encouraged the full participation of members. All but one kept records within the group. All were characterised by the following:
· access to more than one source of exogenous information· confidence in their collective ability to make valid decisions based on group dialogue and understanding
· a sense of formal identity and common purpose.
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LEVEL II - CASE STUDY Wliwlinyo Mango Group This was a small group begun in 1995 and based in eastern Ghana with just five members. It was started by an older man, now the Chairman, to encourage youth. ('I started the group to prepare the future for the next generation'). He had donated nearly 1 hectare of land to the group for the purpose of planting mangoes. They were advised by the Evangelical Presbyterian Church Project who were providing them with grafted mangoes and advice, on the understanding that the Church would receive a third of the eventual profit. The group met once each month and worked together when necessary. The female secretary, in her 30s, had attended some workshops run by EP and the remaining three young people who were members had agricultural textbooks at school. The older members were very willing to learn from the youngsters. |
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LEVEL II - CASE STUDY Nalimawa Women's Group This group with 15 members based near Jinja, Uganda, met twice a week to work together on a half hectare plot of land (donated by the Chairwoman and her husband) to grow vegetables and passion fruit. Their main source of information and advice was a development worker from the Jinja Diocese Women's Desk who had also helped some members (usually Chairperson or Secretary) attend workshops. Information was shared with group members. There was some contact with the government extension agent but not with any other NGOs. They were still largely dependent on the Jinja Diocese Women's Desk for outside information and support. |
Each group already had access to their own knowledge, which was shared among members. However their access to exogenous information was still limited, usually to two or three sources on an irregular basis.
8.3.3 Level III - Confidence in the use of information to encourage change within the group
Groups within Level III had all been established for several years during which introduced changes had had time to yield and bear fruit (often literally). The quality of leadership appeared key within the 17 groups placed in this level and to their use of information. Receptive and facilitatory leaders were able to listen to the views of members, hold the group together and facilitate access and use of information which might be relevant to the group interests. Members not only shared information but were able to critically reflect upon their past activities before taking future action.
Groups where two or three strong characters were fighting for centre stage or more control, where leaders were closed to outside influences (in a variety of forms) or where leaders relished the power they exerted over the group, would be unlikely to be found within Level III. Receptive, unified and facilitatory leadership nearly always included the presence of one or more animators in the leadership structure. Level III group members appeared to have an increased confidence in their ability to enhance change as a collective identity, observed as members talked freely during meetings about their achievements and how they planned to build on these. Leaders might have visited offices of nearby NGOs or written letters requesting advice and understood they did not have to remain as helpful beneficiaries but could take some steps themselves to influence a desired outcome. They usually had reasonable access to several sources of exogenous information.
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LEVEL III - CASE STUDY Soweto Women's Group This was a small group comprised of four married couples (despite the name). It was initiated by a World Vision extension worker but was now fully autonomous. It was located in an extremely isolated part of North Luwero, Uganda, near Lake Kyoga. The Chairlady, Margaret Kizza, was an enthusiastic, very hardworking farmer, continually experimenting and ready to implement new ideas. They were using swampy land at the edge of the lake with deep drainage channels and had very productive and impressive vegetable and crop gardens. Visitors to the gardens were welcomed. Members were close friends and husbands were an integral part of the group. Despite good literacy and education levels among members, they had little access to exogenous ideas on agriculture since the departure of the World Vision worker. They had no access to printed information, including newspapers, and were not in contact with any NGO. However, they were still experimenting with new ideas gained from the extension worker and with indigenous knowledge |
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LEVEL III - CASE STUDY Zangbogu Women's Association A lady from this village had travelled to visit friends and observed a women's group meeting under a mango tree. Listening to their activities encouraged her so much that on her return she persuaded ten others to join in forming a group in Zangbogu. At the time of visiting, the group had 72 members, met every fortnight and ran a small credit system. Operating in a very poor area of the Upper Western region of Ghana, 20km north of Wa, members had worked together growing trees for fuel, groundnuts, bambara and soya beans and had introduced pig husbandry. Social aspects, such as supporting members with ill health, played an important part. Their husbands were impressed by their achievements and through their support the group had access to a total of 11 acres loaned by various husbands, though scattered in different places. Their main support had come from the NGO, Suntaa Nuntaa, but they also had contacts with ADRA and government personnel. Members had attended several workshops. Several animators were present. The group divided into three for the purpose of working together, with sub-groups competing for productivity. Suntaa Nuntaa helped them produce a role play on the benefits of tree planting which they had performed locally with great success. |
With successful practical achievements behind them, it was observed that given good leadership, a collective awareness of their strength in unity had developed. Motivation to share information within the group was high, since group members knew they were able to implement new ideas successfully. The following are suggested as characteristic of groups within this level:
· receptive and facilitatory leadership
· critical reflection on past activities resulting in further action
· reasonable access to several sources of exogenous information
· understanding of local situation and relationship with outside structures
· desire to share acquired knowledge within group.
8.3.4 Level IV - Confidence in group's ability to use knowledge to extend influence
It is increasing confidence in their own collective strength and knowledge and the beginnings of empowerment, that mark groups within Level IV.
Ownership of knowledge differs from awareness of that knowledge. This fact most clearly differentiates Level IV from III. Such ownership may develop from increased and more selective access to sources of exogenous information. This may enable existing indigenous knowledge to be evaluated alongside new practices. Ownership is likely to come through use, implementation, experimentation, adaptation and confirmation or rejection of innovations. As a group's confidence in their knowledge and understanding progresses, so the group is more likely to interact with NGOs and government personnel, instead of simply passively benefiting from the passing on of knowledge. If knowledge proves of benefit, confidence is gained in this knowledge and consequently the owner of this knowledge may have the desire to pass it on to other individuals. It may also lead to the production of locally generated materials to enhance the sharing of knowledge and experience. Relevant indicators suggested for Level IV are:
· collective awareness of their strength in unity· selective access to several sources of exogenous information
· ability to experiment, reflect, analyse and make informed decisions based on both indigenous and exogenous knowledge
· desire to pass on acquired knowledge outside the group
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LEVEL IV - CASE STUDY Ihimbi Women's Group The group began in 1991 based in the outskirts of Kabale, Uganda. At the time of visiting, it had a closed membership of 31. Their aim was to increase the income of members through sustainable methods of agriculture. Their achievements were considerable, with the adoption of impressive vegetable production, soil fertility improvement and erosion control methods. The group also had a nursery producing trees on a large scale for sale to some NGOs, including ICRAF. Members were very hard-working, united and confident in their achievements. They obtained a large loan from UNDP which enabled them to buy a plot of land for group enterprises. The group were willing to share their knowledge on a more formal basis but felt they would need some financial incentive to encourage them to share information, even if just to cover transport costs |
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LEVEL IV - CASE STUDY Tanyigbe Beekeepers Association This group, based north of Ho in the Volta region, Ghana, had 15 middle aged members of mixed gender. There was a shortage of agricultural land in the area, owing to dense forests. Though bee-keeping was not part of their culture, they chose this activity as it did not involve too much extra work. Leaders (these included three animators - Linus, Rose and Juliana) had received training through a nearby NGO, the EP Church Ho Farm Project, and also attended workshops and training elsewhere in Ghana. Initially they began as individuals with their own hives, then formed a group. Regular membership subscriptions funded members to attend workshops. They received a loan from Agrimissio (US NGO) which enabled them to purchase 35 hives for the group. They had repaid a quarter of this at the time of visiting. They maintained these hives in three areas with different members responsible for each site. Their success and enthusiasm was leading to the likely formation of three other bee-keeping groups in neighbouring areas. However, there were problems with marketing all the honey produced, despite its good quality. The male secretary received several newsletters |
The 13 groups within this level demonstrated confidence in their achievements as a group and their future plans, but also as individuals with a sense of purpose. Confidence, self worth and strength gained through collective action may gradually encourage rural peoples to extend their sphere of influence and knowledge to those around them.
8.3.5 Level V - Empowered to enhance information sharing within local community
Various definitions of empowerment exist (Craig et al 1995; Rowlands 1995). In the context of this study, it is defined as 'the ability of people to control their own lives and resources, to direct their own livelihoods and to extend their spheres of influence outside their immediate community'. Something as intangible as empowerment is extremely difficult to isolate or quantify. However, one measure of empowerment might be the extent to which collective groupings see themselves as owning their own 'knowledge' and their confidence in sharing this 'knowledge'.
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LEVEL V - CASE STUDY Nakisene Literacy Association, Eastern Uganda (a RPA) Nakisene members included improving agriculture and literacy as their main aims. They had a small silk screen duplicator on which they produced very basic literacy materials. They had received information (mostly from MTEA of which they were a member organisation) on various aspects of agriculture. They shared information mainly through role play, songs and dances in open community meetings. Their skill in this had led to various invitations to perform elsewhere and had given them considerable confidence as a group. They had good links with several NGOs and government departments |
A key priority of groups within Level V was the proactive sharing of useful information. They differed qualitatively from groups in other levels for whom the maintenance and success of group activities was the main objective. Though most were membership groups, their level of organisation and planning set them apart. Of considerable interest is that six have developed over time from RPAs, though now all but one are categorised as GDOs. Members sometimes take up staff roles and some receive payment for their work. However, none had a stable financial base and no members or staff were seen to be gaining adequate financial reward for their work. Their level of commitment towards achieving their aims was admirable and driven by altruistic and often religious motivation.
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LEVEL V - CASE STUDY Community Association for Rural Development (a GDO) CARD were a group of go-ahead farmers, comprising both husbands and wives. They set high standards for membership and insisted that prospective members fulfil a number of preconditions before they were allowed to join - plastering their home, drying lines for clothes, compost heaps, building a latrine, a drying rack for kitchen utensils, an improved granary, a mud stove and a tree nursery. Couples had to join together, as the emphasis was on sensitising all family members. Other farmers thought they were slightly crazy, but all were prospering and one member came third in the Ugandan National Farmers Competition. They asked the extension agent to visit every couple of weeks. Their headquarters was an unusual small wood-panelled two storey building, quite unique in the surrounding area. They received so many visitors that they had begun to charge. They provided training for individuals and groups and had flexible charges depending on the wealth of the trainees. They planned to employ someone to develop the office and to produce materials and information. They had received support from the Africa 2000 network, funded by UNDP, for training and travel |
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LEVEL V - CASE STUDY Multi-purpose Training and Employment Association (MTEA) (a GDO) MTEA had a formal structure with about 60 member groups in Iganga District, Uganda. A small office in Iganga town centre was funded by members' contributions (and well-wishers) and provided administrative support. It had a typewriter, ink duplicator and silk screen duplicator. Much of the office work was voluntary and provided by members and officers. MTEA began in 1986 as a youth organisation to help young people acquire skills necessary for employment. Later it expanded to include older people, whose training needs were just as great. As it grew, it relocated 2 miles to the centre of Iganga after so many groups became interested. MTEA members used a typed stencil on silk screen duplicators to produce leaflets in both English and Lusoga. They produced eight sets of training notes last year for distribution to each member group on agricultural and environmental subjects. They charged 100/= (5p) to attach value to these. 'If things are given out free, people may give little value to them and just throw them around. |
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LEVEL V - CASE STUDY Abrono Organic Farmers Group (a GDO) Abrono were based near Techiman, Ghana. Their aim was to train young farmers in organic farming methods and improve employment prospects for rural youth. There were ten members, all practising farmers, who had so far trained about 120 farmers. They provided training to small groups and had produced one small explanatory leaflet. They had good links with the NGOs ECASARD, NENGO and ADRA and received a number of regular newsletters. The group was begun by the animator, Mr Kwaw Adams, after he had received a 6 month training course with ADRA |
Few of the eight groups from the sample which fall into this level would be likely to regard themselves as 'empowered'. Most are struggling with severe financial and time restraints. Nevertheless, in their ownership of knowledge, confidence as an entity and dealings with both NGOs, GOs and local community, they meet the definition of empowerment given above. These indicators are suggested:
· confidence in sharing knowledge· two-way flow of influence with outside agencies
· ability to plan regular sharing of knowledge and experience in appropriate ways outside group membership.
Numerous factors impact upon groups which may enhance the ability of group members to look at their situation objectively and to be aware of other possibilities in ways of thinking, action and skills which they may choose to pursue. People with real sensitivity to group members are most likely to help in this gradual process of empowerment, bringing with them knowledge of other situations, other information and other methods of doing things. Printed agricultural training materials may also help in this process if they enable or encourage the group to discuss new ideas.
Of groups in Level IV, over a third (39%) were involved in training small groups, 15% in providing some kind of printed information, nearly half (46%) in holding or facilitating open community meetings to pass on information, and 31% in sharing information through drama, role play or songs. When comparing these figures with those of the groups in Level V, some significant differences emerge. The number of groups in Level V providing training for small groups increases three times, with all now providing such training, sometimes on an informal basis but often with pre-arranged workshops, practical training sessions or a series of follow-up meetings. Three quarters of groups (75%) in Level V were producing locally generated materials in printed form (as teaching notes, booklets, posters and leaflets) in contrast with only 15% of groups within Level IV.
In terms of access to outside information some clear relationships emerge, as revealed in Table 26.
TABLE 26 - Comparison between levels of groups' development
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LEVEL I |
LEVEL II |
LEVEL III |
LEVEL IV |
LEVEL V |
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% members with access to newspapers |
11% |
7% |
10% |
16% |
50% |
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% members with access to radios |
43% |
58% |
46% |
68% |
86% |
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No of years of group formation |
2 |
3.1 |
4.1 |
4.8 |
6.6 |
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% members literate in local language |
34% |
57% |
69% |
74% |
91% |
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% members literate in English |
29% |
29% |
39% |
49% |
59% |
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Km distance from road with public transport |
3.3 |
4.4 |
5.2 |
2.3 |
1.6 |
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Total number of groups |
6 |
31 |
17 |
13 |
8 |
Other clear trends include the steady increase in overall scoring (indicating improved communications, socio-economic situation, access to NGOs, health care and access to urban areas) for groups in higher levels. Average score was 18 for Level V, comparing with 12.7 for Level I groups.
Access to Footsteps and therefore, by association, usually some other newsletters as well, was much more likely to be direct for groups in Levels IV and V. 95% of groups in Levels IV and V mentioned the relevance of printed information during the research compared with just 35% within Levels I and II. 75% of groups within Level V requested more printed information following the research exercises comparing with just 21% of Levels I and II groups.
Some trends were a likely consequence of increasing levels of self mobilisation and empowerment such as small office facilities and gradually improved access to NGOs for groups in Levels IV and V. No relationship was observed between group size, role of animator within group, group income and access to extension agents. However, working together was more likely in higher level groups. Groups reaching Levels IV and V were more likely to contain male members. There were no all female or mostly female groups in Level V.
Printed information about sustainable grassroots agriculture may aid in the empowerment of grassroots farmers and may stimulate both their desire for more such information and the flow of agricultural information. However, access to such information alone is unlikely to catalyse group empowerment. No one group could be said to have gained substantially from access only to printed information unless this was in conjunction with other supporting factors, including facilitatory development workers, receptive and facilitatory leadership, the presence of animators and the collective action of a farmer group. The combination of several or all five of these factors may result in the empowerment of farmer groups.
Access to information clearly extends the ability of groups to innovate and experiment with new ideas. It can also confirm the knowledge of group members, giving a greater confidence in their own understanding and knowledge. However, numerous other factors may also need to be in place before effective utilisation of information occurs, and there is no doubt that effectively functioning farmer groups can provide many of these. In that the research did not investigate the impact of printed information for individual farmers, it is hard to compare the extent to which the impact of group access to information differs from individual impact. In addition, since the research only investigated present access, often to an inadequate range of printed materials, the impact of access to a good range of relevant printed materials remains a matter of conjecture.
Figure 6 shows an upward trend in self mobilisation which may lead to empowerment, given numerous supporting factors. Groups may move both upwards and downwards through levels. Negative movement may be due to the loss of leaders or animators, loss of land or facilities (reclaimed by those who had donated it), failure of activities, unsustainable growth, loss of trust among members, usually through defaulting on regular payments or ill health, and increasing old age making it hard to sustain group activities. Several groups indicated that they had reformed after the failure of an earlier grouping. The most common reason for such failure was that community action had been the motivating force and proved unsustainable as so many community members did not participate. The reformed groups were always smaller and contained only members keen to participate.
Given that many groups are only interested in their own progress as individuals and that the sharing of information is often incidental, Level V should not be regarded as the ultimate level for groups. For most RPAs Level IV would represent the fulfilment of their aims as a group, with the sharing of knowledge and experience outside the group carried out in response to demand and providing confirmation of their progress by other community members. Financial concerns also play a major role here. Members of CARD, Uganda, obviously took great pleasure and satisfaction in advising others, but through useful contacts and reputation they were now able to request payment for their support. However, members of Ihimbi Women's Group, Uganda, were reluctant to take too much time out of their ordinary work to provide advice or training, since they were not offered any financial benefits. If NGOs or extension services actively sought to use and provide financial support to enable successful groups to select trainers and provide workshops for outside community members, there is no doubt many more group members would be willing to provide training. Such a step would do much to enhance the confidence of farmer members. Several members of CARD interviewed had considerable confidence in their knowledge and experience. They had confirmed this through their own experience on their farms, they had seen positive results through sharing information with others and now were empowered to actively work towards furthering the effective spread of their knowledge.
Figure 6 also allows the arrow to continue upwards, implying that Level V is not the final end point and that organisations can continue to develop.
Lack of funding was an issue for all 75 groups. However, should funding be made available to enable the payment of salaries and provision of inputs, there is no doubt that relationships would change substantially. From open membership associations, individuals would have to be selected to become salaried staff, creating a two-tier membership. Funding to allow the provision of inputs (such as loans, seeds, livestock etc) immediately requires choices to be made, necessitating further division. From GDOs operating as membership entities, it seems likely that adequate funding would rapidly result in the transition to an NGO. For successful individuals selected as staff, there would no doubt be considerable gain, but only at the cost of the loss of very precious relationships and altruistic motivation.
The financial support of farmer groups is thus fraught with tensions. The support gained by members within such groups is strengthened by their common situation. Any interventions which result in changing this balance may result in the loss of what is, in essence, genuine participation in agricultural development. Attempts to identify, resource, and train animators and subsequently to employ them as NGO staff for training groups will no doubt be of individual gain, but it will remove the driving force from within many groups. Far better to target financial support towards information provision within groups - through financing and resourcing more extension agents, development workers, printed information on sustainable agriculture, sometimes in combination with radio or cassette programmes and enhancing group visits to demonstration units or other groups.
The research did not investigate the access and impact of printed agricultural information on farmers who did not belong to groups. Membership of effective farmer groups is likely to exclude the poorest within their communities. Exclusion would be likely to result from an inability to contribute even the small membership fees collected for savings and credit schemes, a lack of time to attend meetings and a lack of status making it less likely for them to receive a personal invitation through a member. Considerable innovation may be required to establish methods of enhancing group membership among the poorest, particularly if effective groups are already functioning in an area. One solution might be to encourage effective groups to widen their membership for altruistic motives by deliberately seeking out the poorest members of their community. Another solution would be to provide motivation for establishing literacy classes, co-operative groups or vegetable producing groups which would appeal to the poorest, by either requiring no financial contributions or else leading to some long-term financial benefits. A further long term solution is to enhance existing autonomous groups with a view to enabling them to extend training and influence in their wider community.
This research reveals an enormous desire for good, practical printed agricultural information, challenging the common assumption that rural farmers are non-literate and need new ideas presented in verbal or visual fashion. Access to appropriate printed information can be a powerful stimulus to farmer group development. Their use of information, both endogenous and exogenous, can bean indicator of group maturity and empowerment. The research has also highlighted the extent of the famine of printed information and other sources of exogenous ideas among a sample of rural farmers.
The production of good practical information in simple language is far from straightforward. The tendency to resort to jargon and technical terms is overwhelming. The needs of farmers in terms of quality of information, choice of language, simplicity of language and readability must always take precedence over impressing colleagues and funding agencies with academic jargon and glossy presentation.
Working together with likely recipients is one way to help ensure that farmers' views and needs become part of the printed materials. Bond-Stewart (1992) writes of the Community Publishing Programme in Zimbabwe, which publishes information targeted at village community workers. It works with representative community workers, particularly women, first discovering their priorities for information and then incorporating their work in the writing process. The programme has proved very successful and popular among many more readers than at first anticipated. A and C Knight (1995) share experiences in Pakistan where rural women, largely non-literate, shared in the discussion and production of learning materials on health as part of the HEAL (Health Education and Adult Literacy) Project, ensuring that local understanding and knowledge took priority over the professional medical approach. In the process, numerous health issues were widely communicated and the women learned literacy.
Such systems could well work in similar fashion by involving animators in the production of printed agricultural training materials.
The assumption that literacy is necessary for development (Bhola, 1994) is not upheld by the findings of this research. Rather it is 'group literacy' which is necessary. A group only needs to have one literate member or even sympathetic non-member who will share printed information with them, to gain useful information and exposure to exogenous ideas. Indeed, the sharing of information in this manner which ensures that new ideas are assessed and discussed within a supportive group allowing ease of discussion and for feelings to be freely shared, has much to recommend it.
From this research, both development personnel and printed information are shown to have benefits and validity. Whilst interpersonal communication is more immediate and usually preferred by farmers (Brody, 1991), printed materials are valued, much cheaper in terms of potential distribution, support other inputs and, most importantly, are likely to remain in use for many years. In terms of sustainability, printed information remains for many years whilst extension workers and NGOs may come and go. In addition, the postal system, used by many newsletters for effective distribution, is usually able to transcend changes in government policy or regimes, whilst NGOs or religious groups may not.
Printed agricultural materials are not the only answer to the considerable information needs of grassroots farmers. Nevertheless, they can play a vital supportive role in enhancing the access of farmer groups to exogenous information. Channelling useful printed information on grassroots development to every interested individual in developing countries may not be feasible, but channelling such information to animators who will then pass it on may yield substantial results for lower costs.
In addition, LGM may play an important role in networking groups with other like-minded groups, particularly if their distribution is regional. LGM produced in the local language are of particular potential, given that they are most likely to generate interest and use appropriate vocabulary.
The findings indicate that simply propping up present routes of supply will be wholly inadequate to meet the demand for printed information in local languages. Resourcing small GDOs already focused on producing information targeted at grassroots farmers is likely to yield the most effective production of locally generated materials. In addition, novel methods which draw together resource personnel from a wide cross section of sectors to work together to produce training materials in local languages, designed to enhance the proven abilities of farmer groups, are recommended. The use of the Internet or CD ROMs to disseminate 'already digested' information in small 'bites' might prove of enormous benefit. (McConnell, 1996; Zijp, 1994).
Sustainability needs to be measured not by cost recovery and continual production but, rather, by methods of sharing information which are cost-effective, highly replicable and lead to permanent change by empowering farmers with relevant, sustainable and productive agricultural information. Sustainability should rather be viewed in terms of providing information which may remain in use over many years. Encouraging good design practice and the use of local languages may well yield other benefits in revitalising small and struggling local printing establishments.
