6.1 Background to socio-economic situation in Uganda
6.2 Background to socio-economic situation in Ghana
6.3 Background information relating to farmer groups
6.4 Factors influencing the functioning of farmer groups
6.5 Access to communication media
6.6 Composition of group membership
6.7 Access to agricultural information
6.8 Flow of information
6.9 Summary of information provision
The research in Phase II examined a sample of farmer groups for whom postal survey respondents might typically target information and materials. The research examined farmer groups' access and preferences to agricultural information sources and printed materials. The research took place in Uganda, East Africa during 1996 and Ghana, West Africa during 1997.
Farmer groups visited included both RPAs and GDOs. The research could have been restricted to RPAs only. However, firstly it was not always possible to determine prior to a visit whether groups fell within the criteria of a RPA or a GDO and secondly, more successful (and therefore often most interesting) RPAs might eventually be classified as GDOs as their level of income and organisation increased. In Uganda, 32 RPAs and GDOs were visited with a total of 486 group members participating in group interviews and participatory research exercises. In Ghana, 43 RPAs and GDOs were visited with 731 people participating in the research. Out of an overall total of 75 groups, 65 were defined as RPAs and 10 as GDOs.
6.1.1 Ethnic and cultural background
Uganda has 14 main ethnic groups, many minor groups and a total of 43 different languages and dialects - not all of them written. Luganda and KiSwahili are the most widely spoken African languages. Bantu related languages are spoken by over 60% of the population, mainly in the South and West while the northern population speaks Nilo-Hamitic language groupings (Lubwama, 1991).
6.1.2 Socio-economic conditions
In 1995 Uganda's population was estimated at 18.7 million with an average per capita annual income of US $ 190 (Economist, 1995). The economy is dominated by agriculture which provides a direct livelihood for nearly 90% of the population (Economist, 1998). Millets, maize and plantains are the most important food crops, though millets alone provide the staple in the drier northeast. Agricultural exports consist almost entirely of coffee with some cotton and tea. The Owen Falls Dam and Hydro Electric Power (HEP) station provide virtually all Uganda's electricity and are another source of exports since a third of the electricity is exported to Kenya.
The present government's economic policy is the rehabilitation and development of a self sustaining mixed economy, with GDP growth rate of at least 5% per annum. Inflation has been below 5% since 1994. Recent World Bank statistics reveal Uganda to be the sixth fastest growing economy in the world, despite being placed amongst the 20 poorest countries in the world (UNDP, 1998).
6.1.3 Education and literacy policies
The Government of Uganda recognises 23 languages but only 10 languages are in official use by the government and on local radio broadcasts. English is the national language. Nearly 40% of the population is non-literate (UNDP, 1998).
During the colonial administration an extensive infrastructure of primary and secondary schooling developed. The emphasis was on achieving academic excellence to provide an educated work force able to fill key posts in administration. For children able to pass the selection procedures of the academic system, costs were low, with the result that many older Ugandans received a good academic education. During the political disruption of the 1970s and 1980s, government funding for education was erratic and severely cut. Teachers might go for months or even years without pay, surviving on produce from their gardens and continuing their work only out of their belief in the value of academic education and their commitment to young people (Furley, 1988).
In the 1960s there was a large government literacy programme working in 22 languages with mobile and permanent lending libraries. Though top down in operation, with primers and reading materials translated from English, it proved reasonably effective in reaching adults. From the early 1970s this ceased to function for nearly 20 years until in 1992 a new national literacy programme known as the Integrated Non-Formal Basic Education Pilot Project (INFOBEPP) was begun, working initially in just a few languages (Okech, 1995).
Present policy is to provide education for all children, not just for the more able and a huge; programme of school building began in the 1980s. However, with the halving of the education budget in recent years there is now a dearth of equipment, notably textbooks, and trained teachers. Though free primary schooling should be available for all children, Government cutbacks have resulted in parent teachers associations imposing 'voluntary' costs to provide the crucial funding to maintain schools. Such 'voluntary' costs often force poorer parents to withdraw their children.
6.1.4 Government agricultural information services
The present agricultural research and extension services have their origins in British colonial times. The majority of the present nine research institutes and District Farm Institutes were established between 1910, when the Department of Agriculture was established and 1960, just prior to Independence in 1962. Commercial cash crops were generally emphasised at the expense of subsistence crops. The 1960s and Independence saw a major emphasis on extension services and farmer training. During the political chaos of the 1970s to mid 1980s, the financing of extension services and training was neglected and virtually collapsed. Older farmers reminisce of the 'good old days' in the 1960s when extension officers had funding and good transport with access to regular training, film shows and literature.
In recent years there have been substantial changes within the provision of extension services, though changes in practice tend to lag behind changes in extension thinking. A modified Training and Visit Extension System was adopted in 1993 by the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) with funding from the World Bank (about US $27 million). Field Extension Workers (FEWs) are now instructed to work with farmer groups whenever possible, forming new groups or working with existing groups if appropriate. FEWs are supervised by County Extension Coordinators (CECs). Subject Matter Specialists within each district provide technical support and training to FEWs and CECs under the control of District Extension Coordinators.
Recent retrenchment and funding shortages mean that many posts remain unfilled and transport provision is often very limited so FEWs may be unable to reach any but nearby groups. Morale and motivation were low in the regional office, research station and DFIs visited by the research team.
'We used to have 67 field extension workers, but now have only 43. Their salaries are so small. There is one field extension worker for every 10,000 families so it's not surprising that some farmers have received nothing for 10 years. With the reduction in staff, there was no corresponding increase of facilities. We have no library, just a few pamphlets. Most of us are graduates and we have to rely on our student notes and occasionally visit Makerere to look things up in the University library. Nobody checks our work or rewards hard work by promotion.'EXTENSION OFFICER, MBARARA DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, 1996
Each district of Uganda has a District Farm Institute, which used to provide regular in-service training for extension agents and short courses for farmers. Some have been rehabilitated after the political chaos of Amin's regime but others remain in a very dilapidated state with skeleton staff.
'The water pump broke down 15 years ago and there has been no money to repair it. We used to have two buses, a land rover and a lorry to transport participants and supplies, now we have none. Our generator is also out of order. Without these things we cannot run residential courses. Our buildings are dilapidated and empty. Money has been promised on paper to renovate but has never arrived. We have no poultry, pigs or rabbits but some cows. The small library dates back mostly to the 1950s and 60s. There is a very good demonstration of pasture grasses and an agro forestry plot run by the Department of Forestry. We would give up if there were no hope of rehabilitation.'PRINCIPAL, IKULWE DISTRICT FARM INSTITUTE, 1996
The National Agricultural Research Organisation (NARO), established in 1992, is a semi-autonomous organisation which is now responsible for coordination of agricultural research programmes. Since the end of 1998, NARO has also become responsible for agricultural extension. Information services and publication production are now combined into one organisation, the newly established ARIS (Agricultural Research Information System) in Kawanda, Kampala, which will provide the base for sharing information in the future. Previously each research station maintained its own library and independently produced simple agricultural booklets and leaflets. Some were much more active in this than others - notably Entebbe, Tororo and Mbarara. Though these publications were useful, observed distribution (during in-depth research) was wholly inadequate in comparison to the demand for information, even among extension workers, let alone farmers.
6.1.5 Role of NGOs and church
With the re-establishment of political stability, 1,500 NGOs, both international and national, have established themselves in Uganda. DENIVA is an organisation that networks 400 NGOs in an attempt to prevent duplication and overlap of services. Most international NGOs - such as Action Aid, Heifer International and World Vision - have bases in Kampala and their activities in the more remote parts of Uganda are often patchy, each tending to concentrate on certain geographical areas. In the geographical regions covered by the research within Uganda, most organisations visited were small scale with national staff, developed to respond to a local need.
Uganda is unusual in that 83% of the population claim Christian faith. Of the adult population 52% are Catholic, 30% Anglican and 1% other denominations (Johnstone, 1993). A further 6% of the population follow traditional religions and 3% the Bahai faith. Only 8% are Muslims, despite Amin's efforts to increase the dominance of Islam. Half-built mosques dating back to the 1970s are in evidence in several major towns. When Uganda became independent in 1962 even the political parties were based on religion. The Democratic Party was essentially Catholic and the Kabaka Yekka and the Uganda People's Congress were Protestant. Government solidarity with the church has been spelt out publicly on several occasions by government officials, especially President Museveni (Ward, 1995).
Religious groups have a network of churches and mosques within almost every village of Uganda. Both Catholic and Anglican churches provide centres where development workers, priests and pastors can receive training in rural development. The Anglican Community Rural Service used to provide extensive grassroots training for Anglican priests and Development workers in most areas of Uganda. This continues in a few districts, but has been largely replaced by Zonal Coordinators and Diocesan Development Officers supporting several development projects within each Diocese.
6.2.1 Ethnic and cultural background
Ghana has three major language and ethnic groupings. The Akan, including the Fante and Asante, are the predominant group (52% of the national population) occupying the fertile central forest areas. In the East and South there are the Ewe (11%) and Ga-Adangme (8%) groups while in the north there are three major sub-groups all speaking Voltaic languages (23%). There are over 70 ethnic groups, each with its own language or dialect (Grimes, 1992).
There are some widespread cultural practices which are relevant to this research. One is the custom of susu which operates like a credit union. Members make regular payments and take loans in rotation. Members cannot opt out until the circle is completed. Nnoboa is another self-help system in which a group of neighbours or extended family help each other when a need arises, such as house building or farming, in return for a meal and the assurance they will be assisted in turn when they have need (Winter, 1997).
6.2.2 Socio-economic conditions
At Independence in 1957, Ghana was one of the richest countries in Africa. It produced a tenth of the world's gold and was the world's main exporter of cocoa. Since then, numerous financial and political crises have severely weakened the economy. Ghana has won the approval of the IMF for its stringent structural adjustment policies in recent years, which brought extreme hardship to many during the 1980s, but are now slowly yielding fruit. Ghana has a population of 16 million of which 65% is rural with a GDP per capita of US $430 (Economist, 1995).
An effective transport system covers much of the country, though the four main north-south routes are the weakest, and symptomatic of the gap in all aspects of development between the north and south. There are few good roads in the Upper West and Upper East regions. There is a weak infrastructure in much of northern Ghana, with little diversification and few job opportunities outside subsistence agriculture or migration to the south. Of the three regional capitals, only Tamale is a major city, though still with a relatively small population of 170,000.
The Akasombo dam at the southern point of Lake Volta provides HEP for much of the country and in particular for the aluminium processing plant at Tema near Accra, on the coast, where there is much other light industry.
6.2.3 Education and literacy policies
An estimated 5-6 million people of the total population are non-literate and the majority of these are in northern Ghana. The northern part was made a British protectorate rather than a colony, with the function of providing labour for the gold mines and cocoa plantations in southern Ghana. Secondary schooling was thus thought unnecessary and until 30 years ago there was only one secondary school in the north of the country The southern half of the country accommodates 90% of secondary schools.
The Government recognises 15 languages for official purposes and these are used in schools, the press, radio broadcasts and literacy training (Bamgbose 1991); English is the national language. The present government literacy programme is under the Non-Formal Division of the Ministry of Education with training available in all 110 districts. An initial pilot phase ran from 1989 to 1991, successfully using the radio as an awareness raising tool. Extensive World Bank funding was received from 1992 with additional support from UNICEF and the then ODA (UK). In 1997 there were 9,000 literacy classes around the country.10 Primers were developed for all 15 languages and should be available for each participant in the literacy classes. Newspapers in all 15 languages have been produced for literacy classes on a regular basis. The withdrawal of World Bank funding from the NFED in September 1997 is likely to have severe effects.
10 Personal discussions with staff at NFED.
Primary schooling is free and compulsory for all children, though parents have to provide uniforms and equipment. Fees for Junior Secondary Schools are low, but fees for Senior Secondary Schools (SSS) rise sharply, as these are normally boarding schools with all associated costs. Only 10% of applicants qualify for SSS level education. University fees are approximately the same as for SSS. There are four universities - in Accra, Kumasi, the Cape Coast and a new one in Tamale.
6.2.4 Government agricultural information services
In Ghana changes in the Agricultural and Extension Services in the past decade have been fundamental. The introduction of the Unified Extension Service (UES) in 1992 with World Bank funding required that Extension workers - now known as Front Line Staff (FLS) were re-trained to meet raised training requirements. However, some 1,500 FLS were sacked since they lacked college education, leading to initial shortages in many districts. The promotion of women FLS is a high priority, with women comprising 66% of the 1996 admissions. There is now a regional system of Technical Officers including Subject Matter Specialists who provide training and support for the FLS in their region. Farmer representation is sought in determining priorities for future training to deal with problems identified by both researchers, FLS and farmers. FLS have to work with groups of farmers, no longer with individuals, in line with the new LIES approaches and to improve efficiency. Substantial World Bank funding since 1989 has enabled the provision of housing in remote rural areas and motor bikes for all FLS and vehicles for Regional Coordinators. There are at present 1,500 FLS with an allocation of 15 per district.11
11 Personal discussions with staff in the Department of Agricultural Extension.
Decentralisation was introduced at the end of 1997 with the redistribution of Technical Officers into the 110 districts of Ghana. Technical assistants (or grassroots field staff) were retrenched during the reorganisation of the Department under the LIES. Many of the TAs were young, female and came from the very rural areas. Therefore, they were willing and able to work in remote locations under relatively harsh conditions.
The Department of Agricultural Extension Services is now responsible for the coordination of printed information relating to agriculture in collaboration with research institutes. A number of well produced booklets, flip charts and leaflets are available, at present only in English, which are aimed at FLS and farmers. Their production is limited not through resources but from a lack of qualified authors to produce them.
6.2.5 Role of NGOs and church
Numerous NGOs have developed with government approval since Independence. Networking of NGOs tends to follow the north-south split of the country. ECASARD (Ecumenical Association for Sustainable Agriculture and Rural Development) is one such group based in Accra with 34 member organisations.
ACDEP (Association of Church Development Projects) is a sister grouping for NGOs in the north, based in Tamale. ECASARD provides a regular newsletter for members and actively promotes training and visits to enhance networking. They are hoping to develop effective marketing facilities for products such as honey.
Many similarities were apparent between Uganda and Ghana with regard to organisations providing training and information. In both countries religious groups have freedom of expression and compassion was often a motivating force both in religious organisations and in individuals working with NGOs or government groupings.
Traditional religions are followed by 20% of the population, 16% are Muslim and 64% Christian (Johnstone, 1993). The misconception has arisen that the north is largely Muslim, mainly because southerners observe that the northerners who settle in the South tend to be Muslim. However, there is a strong Catholic Church in the Upper West and other denominations elsewhere, including Presbyterian and Baptist in the Upper East.
Most of the main religions have agricultural development programmes. A large Co-operative Credit movement and the Nandom Agricultural Project were among the first to be established by the Catholic Church in the Upper West. In the North East there is a strong Presbyterian group, the Garu Agricultural Services. The Evangelical Presbyterian Church has six agricultural projects, three in the north and three in the south. The Christian Council of Churches provides training and networking at ten centres around Ghana. The Ghana Institute of Linguistics Literacy and Bible Translation (GILLBT) work in all the officially recognised languages and numerous others as well, producing a range of literacy materials. With a large headquarters in Tamala, they have other centres all over Ghana.
Research was carried out over a ten month period in 1996 in Uganda with five research visits, each of several weeks, made during this time. In Ghana the research took place over an eight month period in 1997, comprising four research visits each of several weeks. In addition, preparatory visits were made to each area to finalise arrangements, accommodation, translators, transport and any other relevant details.
6.3.1 Geographical distribution of groups
In Uganda, groups were visited in four geographical areas;
· the north, mainly in Lira and Luwero Districts
· the east in the neighbouring districts of Iganga, Mukono, Jinja and Kamuli
· the east in Mbale and Tororo districts
· the southwest in Mbarara, Kabale and Ntungama districts.
In Ghana, groups were visited in five geographical areas, comprising:
· the northeast in Garu district in the Upper East region
· the northwest in Nadowli, Wa and Lawra districts in the Upper West region
· central areas in Techiman, Wenchi and Sunyani Districts in the Brong Ahafro region
· the east in Ho, Hohoe and Kpandu Districts in the Volta region
· the south in Birim S and Akwapim Districts in Eastern region.
Appendix I lists the groups visited, their location and common language.
Findings from Uganda and Ghana were initially analysed separately, but the findings in most instances proved so similar with regard to group functioning, that they are presented together with any significant differences being noted.
6.3.2 Characteristics of groups visited
The majority of groups were farmer associations but there were also five literacy groups, two clan or family groups, two co-operatives and one small resource centre. In addition, ten larger NGOs and a number of GDOs such as FURA, LAEDA, and MTEA facilitated arrangements to visit groups with which they were either networking or had initiated contact. The term 'umbrella' organisations is used to indicate this relationship.
Of the RPAs visited, 12% received Footsteps copies directly and a further 34% had indirect access to information from Footsteps passed to them usually by a member of an 'umbrella' organisation. Of the GDOs visited, 67% received Footsteps directly and 17% indirectly - usually through a head office.
RPAs and GDOs ranged from highly organised and successful groups, several of which were providing outside training for non-members, to two newly formed groups which were not yet really functioning as groups at all.
6.3.3 Ethnic and language groups
The intention was not to cover all main ethnic groups but to ensure a range of ethnic groupings were included, to examine whether any significant variations were apparent.
In Ghana four main ethnic groupings were covered -the predominant Twi speaking Akan, the Ewe in the east, and in the north the Dagaare and Kusaal groups with a total of five language groups. In Uganda rather more ethnic groupings were included - the majority Baganda, the Busoga and Teso in the east, the Lango in the north and the Runyankole in the southwest with a total often different languages.
Ethnic differences such as access to land, gender roles and kinship ties, which might affect the operation of farmer groups, were observed.
6.3.4 Comparative ranking of groups in in-depth research
There was a need to establish some meaningful comparisons between the wide variety of groups visited in both countries, sited in very different locations with a wide range of farming potential and widely differing access to social services and economic opportunities. A system of ranking was therefore developed, taking five factors into account: the location of the group, the agricultural potential of the area, access to NGOs, health facilities and the economic status of the community. Each factor had a range of five possible categories, with a low score indicating poor access or agricultural potential and a high score good access. The lowest score obtainable was 5, the highest 25.
Figure 1: Scoring distribution for groups visited
The ranking was done jointly by members of the research team, partly through observation and partly through discussion with group members. Such ranking only reflects the situation within which the groups visited were operating; it is not an attempt to locate them within their countries as a whole. Figure 1 gives the overall distribution.
It allowed for some meaningful comparisons between very isolated groups with poor agricultural productivity with groups in more favourable situations.
6.3.5 Socio-economic status of farmer groups
Agriculture was the main source of income for the majority of communities visited. Petty trading provided a second source of income in communities where there was good access to markets. Most rural communities had few permanent or well built houses or buildings indicating a generally low level of income and status.
Economic status was determined largely by observation and based on what local people saw as indicators of wealth. In some parts of Uganda, iron roofs and bicycle ownership were standard indicators of wealth. In Ghana, people saw wealth more in terms of well built, permanent housing.
Scoring system for comparative ranking of groups
|
Isolation | ||
|
1. |
Isolated - over 10km from road with average bus services | |
|
2. |
Within 5km of road with average bus services | |
|
3. |
Within 1km of road with average bus services | |
|
4. |
Semi urban - outskirts of town or large village | |
|
5. |
Urban-within 1km of town | |
|
Farming productivity | ||
|
1. |
Erratic rainfall, poor soil fertility, few inputs | |
|
2. |
Erratic rainfall, reasonable soil fertility, few inputs | |
|
3. |
Good rainfall, soils of average fertility, few inputs | |
|
4. |
Good rainfall, soils OK, some access to inputs | |
|
5. |
Good rainfall, fertile soils, good access to inputs | |
|
Access to health facilities | ||
|
1. |
More than 10km from health facilities | |
|
2. |
Within 10km of health facilities | |
|
3. |
Within 5km of health facilities | |
|
4. |
Within 3km of health facilities | |
|
5. |
Within 1km of health facilities | |
|
Socio-economic status of community | ||
|
1. |
Agriculture main source of income, limited petty trading, no permanent housing | |
|
2. |
Agriculture main source of income, limited petty trading, few permanent houses | |
|
3. |
Access to large market, reasonable trading, up to 25% permanent housing | |
|
4. |
Access to work in nearby town, reasonable trading, up to 50% permanent housing | |
|
5. |
Varied employment, semi-urban, mostly permanent housing | |
|
Access to organisations working in development | ||
|
1. |
Poor access to 1-2 organisations, once or twice a year | |
|
2. |
Limited access to 2-3 organisations, several times a year | |
|
3. |
Average access to up to 5 organisations once a month (from anyone) | |
|
4. |
Access to about 5 effective organisations - group attempts to initiate contacts | |
|
5. |
Good regular access to a number of NGOs etc, some funding available, training and support, at ease with making contacts | |
6.3.6 Degree of isolation of groups
The isolation of groups may well influence their access to information sources, particularly when sources such as NGOs, extension agents or printed information are considered. Initially one indicator of geographical isolation was taken to be the distance from a tarmac road. However, in the north of Ghana there are so few tarmac roads, this figure became unhelpful. Instead of a tarmac road, the measure of isolation was therefore taken to be the distance from a road with some kind of regular public transport.
Nearly half of the groups (45%) were within one kilometre of a road with some kind of public transport. At the other extreme, 25% were ten or more kilometres from public transport services, the maximum being 25 kilometres (in SW Uganda). The average distance was 3.7 kilometres. The distance from a road with public transport should not be seen as necessarily providing easy access to towns. For many groups, members face a very long and expensive journey to reach a small town with a bank, farming supplies and equipment.
Many of the semi-urban or urban groups were GDOs and had chosen a central location for a small office.
6.3.7 Networking with organisations working in development
Two thirds of the groups visited had limited access, usually by means of visits with staff from just 2 or 3 organisations several times a year. Just 11% had regular access to several effective and supportive organisations.
'Why do NGOs always stay in towns? Why don't they come and establish their offices in rural areas?'
MUGWANJURA FARMERS ASSOCIATION, UGANDA
6.4.1 Origin of groupings
A large proportion of farmer groups had originated through the enthusiasm of one or two individuals, either from within or outside the community, revealing the key role of individuals in the formation of groups. Most RPAs comprised members who lived within easy walking distance of the meeting place, usually within the same or neighbouring villages.
Informal groupings of farmers with good and facilitatory leadership, rapidly became aware of their own potential for managing change. This awareness was not always acknowledged by umbrella organisations and extension agents who may have helped in the initiation of groups. They still referred to the group as 'their group', and claimed ownership and responsibility for them. This was a perception rarely shared by association members, who usually took pride in their independence and drew on support from several outside sources.
6.4.2 Group aims
Though most members of farmer's associations were grassroots farmers living at subsistence level, and the name of the association often included the term 'farmers', improving agriculture was not always seen as their first priority. Income generation was most frequently associated with food processing of products such as cassava and oil palm, though some groups also marketed their products together, notably the two co-operative groups. Some groups had many successful women traders who were well aware of the benefits of storing produce and selling at high prices in times of shortage.
'Being in a group helps us develop our skills.'WEGBE WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
The mutual support of group members, especially in times of trouble, was ranked third. This emphasises that most groups were acting not just as production units, but as social entities with a genuine commitment to each other's well being.
'Being in a group has improved our personalities. Some had marriage problems and other members have counselled and helped them. Some did not know which way to turn to earn income but the group has given them a means to earn a small income to buy pencils for their children and soap for their families.'SEGRU WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
Many associations had taken as their motto the local translation of 'unity is strength', emphasising their beliefs that by working together they could improve their situations. (Table 13)
TABLE 13 - Aims of RPAs and GDOs in Uganda and Ghana
|
|
FREQUENCY |
|
Income generation |
80 |
|
Improving agricultural production |
69 |
|
Mutual support of group members |
32 |
|
Training - literacy, youth and adult education |
24 |
|
Community development |
23 |
|
Tree planting - fuel and fruit |
23 |
|
Improving health or nutrition |
19 |
|
Savings and credit |
15 |
|
Environmental care |
11 |
|
Support of women's issues |
3 |
|
Care of orphans |
1 |
|
Total of groups responding |
75 |
Up to three aims were included for any one group.
Three factors are of primary importance when considering the access of groups to outside communication media including radio, newspapers, books or training. These are:
· the ability of group members to understand these media based on their education and literacy levels· whether access is limited by their resources
· whether access is limited by their location.
6.5.1 Education and literacy levels
Results for education and literacy levels were obtained through a show of hands and members were quick to point out any discrepancies and to encourage those who were shy in admitting their abilities. Some testing with a Cloze exercise (Jenkins 1981) revealed that literacy skills in English were poor indicating that members seldom had great fluency, more usually the ability to read or write a simple letter or to follow some instruction. The literacy rates indicated by group members therefore suggest their basic ability to understand and use a language, not fluency, and may be correspondingly higher than national literacy rates.
In Ghana there was a noticeable difference in literacy rates between groups in the north and the south of the country. Results are therefore presented for both regions. (Table 14)
TABLE 14 - Literacy rates and high school attendance among RPA and GDO members
|
|
FREQUENCY OF GROUPS |
LITERATE IN LOCAL LANGUAGE |
LITERATE IN ENGLISH |
ATTENDING HIGH SCHOOL FOR 2+ YEARS |
|
Overall |
75 |
65% |
39% |
34% |
|
Ugandan |
32 |
65% |
39% |
39% |
|
Ghana |
43 |
55% |
37% |
42% |
|
North of Ghana |
12 |
4% |
6% |
6% |
|
South of Ghana |
31 |
72% |
42% |
53% |
Given that the majority of groups were rural based (where literacy and education levels are usually lower than the national average) these results seem to indicate that group members may be among the better educated members of their local community given that national literacy rates are 62% in Uganda and 65% in Ghana (UNDP 1998).
6.5.2 Resource limitations
Radio ownership comprised 53% of households in RPAs but a limited availability, or means to purchase batteries meant that considerably less than half of RPA members listen regularly to the radio. Access to TV (not ownership) was only mentioned by 3 RPAs.
Members were asked to indicate their ownership of any kind of printed information about agriculture including booklets, pamphlets, newsletters and books. Sometimes members had an opportunity to read children's school textbooks on agriculture. Some kept and used notes taken during training, often many years previously. Overall, 18% of RPA members had some kind of access to printed information in agriculture but in most cases these represented only one small booklet or newsletter and therefore these figures should be interpreted sparingly. Only 4% of group members interviewed owned any kind of agricultural book. Many (70%) RPA members and 30% of GDO members had no access to books.
Many members commented on their frustrations about their lack of access to more printed information during the research meetings. This limitation was due primarily to lack of funds, but also to a lack of awareness about sources of free materials. A third of RPAs had no printed information of any kind, 56% had limited access (less than 40% of members owning one or more item) and just 9% had reasonable access (over 60% of members owning one or more item). Very few of the i information sources observed were in local languages, most being in English.
6.5.3 Limitations through geographical isolation
Access to newspapers was also severely limited. An average of just 14% of RPA and GDO members had access (not necessarily through purchase) to a newspaper once a week or more. For RPA members only, access to a newspaper at least once a week fell to just 9%. Many isolated rural areas simply did not have deliveries of newspapers; people only saw them if someone had visited town and bought one and then they were widely shared. However, 45% of GDO members had regular access to newspapers as many more of these were based near urban areas. Newspapers were more likely to be available in local languages.
Of those groups in the most isolated locations (over 10km from a road with regular bus services), only 4% had good access to printed information about agriculture with a significant relationship between isolation and access to printed information (p>0.5).
These results revealed an enormous lack of all kinds of printed information concerning not just agriculture, but all other kinds of information. Information in local languages was even more scarce. For many isolated rural groups, the only literature available in their own language were Bibles and hymn books.
Group membership was taken very seriously. No groups indicated that people were able to drop in and out of membership as they pleased and some groups went so far as to punish non-attendees with fines. Membership was seen as a privilege, which sometimes required a long wait. Occasionally, non members who were being considered for membership were allowed to attend the meetings.
Ranking the most frequently used information sources -Bikyiiteng Bullock Farmers.
Nearly three quarters of all groups had 30 or fewer members. The average membership of RPAs was 29, with an average of 17 members actually present during the research meetings; an average turnout of 57%. Two groups were co-operatives with very large memberships involving most of the adult population of their communities. Their size skewed the mean figure. If the median is used, the figure applying to group membership is 24.
All RPAs except two (who were still considering formalising their relationship) had elected formal committee members. In most groups these consisted of Chairperson, Secretary and Treasurer. Some had deputies, many had additional posts such as a messenger, an organiser, an adviser or trainer. Larger groups might also have an executive committee. All groups but one kept written minutes. Women's Groups in the North of Ghana rarely had any literate members and would call upon a male secretary to take their minutes. Only one group said their secretary kept their minutes 'in her head' (all had complete confidence in her memory). Such formalisation of group activities was of some surprise, given that these were informal, autonomous groups, and was an indication of the important role they played in the eyes of their members. In many instances the groups had significant contacts with umbrella organisations who had probably encouraged such practices. However, even groups with no such outside contacts had often developed similar organisational structures.
The openness of groups to new members was a feature of much interest. Successful groups attracted new members who could threaten the group's existence if numbers became unwieldy. Most groups were well aware of the implications of the group becoming too large. One group, Tibani in Northern Ghana, had split into three groups to deal with its growing size. However, problems arose as the original group contained the enthusiasts who had initiated the group, together with some of the more innovative and mobilised members of the community. People who were slow to respond to an invitation to join the first group, might struggle to maintain enthusiasm and commitment within a second or third group, particularly when most potential leaders had joined the original group. This was clearly shown in Tibani where Group 1 was very successful but Groups 2 and 3 from the same community were losing both members and enthusiasm. More successful efforts to maintain growth involved splitting one large group into working teams, apparent in Zangbogu, Ghana. However, in many cases groups simply limited their numbers or set up substantial barriers to membership, usually financial. (Table 15)
TABLE 15 - Openness of RPAs in Uganda and Ghana to new members
|
Open to new members |
29 |
(45%) |
|
Membership closed |
16 |
(25%) |
|
Considering whether to accept new members |
10 |
(15%) |
|
Membership self-limiting |
8 |
(12%) |
|
Membership falling |
2 |
(3%) |
|
Total |
65 |
(100%) |
Self-limiting membership covers various instances such as clan membership, gender exclusive groups, ownership of certain livestock, access to irrigated land, members of training courses, membership of religious groups and setting barriers to membership (such as large joining fees or filling certain preconditions such as building tree nurseries or latrines).
Female groups were more likely to have closed membership. Within female groups 42% had closed membership whilst no male groups were closed. In groups with a balance of male and female members, 14% were closed to new members.
6.6.1 Gender influences within groups
Groups with all female members or mostly female members predominated, comprising just over 50% of RPAs visited. Male groups with either all men or mostly male members made up only 14% of RPAs. Groups with a balanced gender mix of members comprised 35%. These mixed gender groups often included wives and husbands.
The sample group of GDOs had a much higher proportion (40%) of all or mostly male membership.
There was often a surprising degree of openness and confidence among women members within mixed gender groups which had met together for some years. They were ready to speak openly and contribute to discussions in the presence of male members. In groups which were either newer or did not work or meet together regularly, women members were generally inhibited in the presence of men. This difference is highlighted in that when groups were asked to divide themselves into smaller groups to carry out the exercises, maturer groups often preferred to stay in mixed gender groups, whereas in less established groups they would usually split according to gender. This confidence was observed in different regions of both Uganda and Ghana, revealing little relationship to ethnic background.
Women's groups frequently expressed great frustration at their lack of access to land to farm together as a group. Such access was frequently dependent on the goodwill of one of their husbands. Land could be lent for a couple of years, but then withdrawn from the group's use.
'We learn by having our own land to experiment with, not by working on our husband's land.'TIBANI II WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
The purchase of land on behalf of the group was the ultimate aim of many groups, but was realised by only a few groups. Some groups had been given land on a long term basis by a benefactor and appeared confident in their ability to continue using it. Women are not allowed to own land in the northern areas of Ghana. In areas of Ghana where matrilineal inheritance of land and property was common, women's access to land was still through their husbands or male members of the family so land shortages remained a problem. In male groups land shortage was not raised as an issue, both because men owned land and also because few male groups worked land together.
In terms of energy and commitment to working together, women were observed to be considerably more motivated. There was a statistically significant relationship between the gender balance of a group and the likelihood of working together. Women were more willing to invest time and effort into establishing long term initiatives such as tree plantations, vegetable production and marketing or animal husbandry. Men preferred clear, short-term benefits to be apparent for them as individuals from the outset such as bullock training and access to irrigated vegetable plots.
Women were unlikely to consider visiting government departments or officials to request training or advice. In balanced gender groups this was usually left to men. A high degree of self-confidence was usually necessary before female members would confidently visit or send messages to extension agents, NGO staff or government officials. However, this was apparent in some groups such as Ihimbi Women's Group near Kabale, Uganda or Sokode Novisi near Ho, Ghana. The effectiveness of these groups had been recognised by outsiders and they had received training and donations or loans (for the purchase of land for Ihimbi and a grain mill for Sokode). Members were now very confident in their own abilities.
It should be noted that almost without exception, treasurers were female - even in groups with predominantly male membership. As an official in Garu Agricultural Services commented, 'Women fear debt and work hard to repay loans.'
6.6.2 Regularity of meetings
75% of groups met formally at least once a fortnight. Many groups (59%) worked together at least every fortnight. Some (34 %) worked together on a more seasonal basis. This could either be helping on each other's farms, processing food products or working on group land. Traditional systems of sharing work (known as nnoboa in parts of Ghana) were mentioned, but groups were rarely based simply on these. Some groups functioned well without members ever working practically together, such as marketing co-operatives.
In female or mostly female member groups, 79% worked together regularly. This fell to 45% in groups with a balanced gender mix and just 11 % for mostly male groups.
Of groups who met and worked regularly together, nearly all displayed a good or high degree of unity. This meant the group were precise and purposeful about their objectives, members were relaxed in each others company, demonstrating close friendships within the group, able to joke at each other's expense and able to participate in discussion. Poor levels of unity were exhibited by dominant group members with differing priorities and objectives, unease between some members (with negative comments overheard during group meetings), members being inhibited during meetings and few members apparently meeting informally as friends.
Examining the access of farmer groups to sources of printed agricultural information was a key aspect of this research and given a high priority in terms of time. To avoid undue emphasis on printed materials, data was collected on the basis of the overall preferences of farmers in terms of how they would like to receive agricultural information. Every effort was made to ensure that the particular interest in printed materials was not conveyed to group members. Other sources of information were queried and examined further, in order to ensure members were not influenced in their comments (but also because the information was often fascinating in its own right)
Groups were asked to consider all available sources of new information concerning agriculture. If ideas were slow in coming, certain sources mentioned by other groups were suggested to encourage ideas and lateral thinking. There was no attempt to delimit the number of sources considered (26 in total were mentioned), other than by requesting that individuals were not considered by name and in ensuring that categories already used by previous groups, were adhered to. For example, an individual known to the group as a trainer would be queried to establish their background. If they worked with an NGO or the government they would be placed in either of these categories instead. For the benefit of non literate members, all information sources were drawn (either by the researcher or group members who offered to help) as diagrams on cards, sometimes with great hilarity. This meant non-literate members could participate fully. When no more sources were forthcoming, groups were asked to rank in order of usage, their top five sources of new agricultural information.
Since each group was free to mention any source of new ideas, numerous sources were given, which were rarely included among the top five choices and so were not included in the analysis. These included newspapers, teachers (information coming via their children's teachers), drama/role plays (either seen or participating), TV, District Farm Institutes (relevant in Uganda only, where they sometimes provide farmer workshops), husbands (wives were not mentioned), Government Community Development Agents, demonstration gardens, literacy classes, proverbs, videos, funerals (mentioned in Ghana as important social occasions often lasting several days and providing opportunities both to travel and exchange information), local chairmen (Uganda only), local market traders and research stations.
On some occasions, individuals who were mentioned as a source of ideas, such as extension agents, NGO staff or trainers and teachers within the group, were actually present. However, group members seemed to be so objective in considering their ranking of sources, that such individuals were sometimes given a low ranking, overlooking their presence and any personal feelings involved. On several occasions when ranking was finished, it was observed that members realised what had happened and that their ranking could have caused upset, but this does illustrate the objectivity of group members.
6.7.1 Definition of terms used in the exercise
The definitions used within this exercise are normally self explanatory but some have certain regional or cultural connotations and others include a wider range of sources than their title would suggest:
Observation and Experience - their own experience as farmers over the years which helps them observe and assess the potential value of new ideas.
Friends - this nearly always only referred to other group members.
Trainers - this refers to those within the group who were seen as a source of sharing new ideas.
NGO - this referred to any kind of contact with an NGO, such as training days, workshops but, most commonly, ongoing contact with an extension agent or development worker from the NGO.
Elders - well respected elderly people, either called elders, clan leaders, or individuals respected for their wisdom.
Religious leaders - church or mosque leaders or religious development workers.
Books - any kind of printed material about agriculture, including books, newsletters, teaching notes and leaflets.
Innovative farmers - individuals known to group members (and usually identified by name) who were known to experiment and try out new methods regularly.
Travel - either individual visits to friends or relatives, practices observed during working outside the community or sometimes referring to group visits.
Extension agent - a government extension agent.
The effectiveness of many of the sources mentioned was highly dependent on the role of the individual personality. For example, some groups found their elders very useful, others felt they were irrelevant, resulting in enormous variation between groups. Sources where the personality of the individuals might show such variation included elders, church leaders, trainers, NGOs, extension agents, innovative farmers and market traders. However, over such a large sampling, it is to be hoped that personal variations will to some extent be ironed out.
Figure 2: Use of agricultural information sources by grassroots farmers in Uganda
|
CASE STUDY: NYAMATETE WOMEN'S GROUP, UGANDA By way of an introduction to the information sources exercise, it may be helpful to see it first through an example of a typical group: Nyamatete Women's Group was located about 20km south of Mbarara in southern Uganda, some 5km from a tarmac road. The gender balance was mixed. Male and female members often argued over their perceptions of the importance of information sources. When discussing the role of elders as a source of new ideas, the women commented, 'Even in these days? Do we really need them?' There was a lengthy and heated discussion on whether advice from friends or the radio should be trusted more. 'If your friend comes and asks you 'have you planted beans yet? 'you rush out and plant them.' 'But are our friends experts or people who know little?' 'People on the radio are experts...' 'But do these experts on the radio know you better than your friends? Can they ask you questions? When no agreement was forthcoming they took a vote and friends won overwhelmingly. Extension agents were not included for either usage or trust and when asked, they commented, 'Yes they are there, but they don't work.' In their final decision, reached after much animated debate, observation, experience and friends received the same ranking for both usage and trust. When ranking sources in terms of the trust held in them, elders were replaced by books. A preacher from the church was felt to be very supportive to the group and was therefore raised above a development worker from the Anglican Diocese in Mbarara (who was present), who had helped initiate the group. Such heated discussion was typical and frequently only ended once the suggestion of a vote was made. |
Figure 3: Use of agricultural information sources by grassroots farmers in Ghana
6.7.2 Geographical sources of agricultural information
The most commonly used sources have been grouped into three categories, based on Hunke's (1993) three knowledge systems:
Endogenous - referring to sources within the group
Indigenous or local - referring to sources within the local community
Exogenous - sources outside the local community:
ENDOGENOUS SOURCES
These are sources emanating from within the group and included members' personal observation and experience, friends (nearly always referring to other group members), and trainers, again always referring to someone within the group.
Trainers - The high importance given to trainers within the group is a very relevant point to note. These are usually individuals within the group, sometimes shared with neighbouring groups, who bring enthusiasm, an openness to new ideas and the ability to motivate and inspire other members. Their presence was noted in all well functioning groups. People have more faith in this source than in elders, church leaders and usually extension agents. The training and personal development of such people could be key to promoting new ideas. The name 'trainer' was that most commonly used by group members, though they were occasionally referred to as 'teacher' or 'organiser'. However, as the research progressed, the crucial role of these individuals in the sharing of new ideas became apparent and the term 'animator' was introduced as a more appropriate and descriptive term for their work and role.
Friends were an important source of new ideas. Members of Kyamatambamre Literacy Group (not yet functioning properly as a group entity) commented that new ideas were jealously guarded and only shared with close friends, presumably since they might help provide a competitive edge in the struggle for raising income from farm produce.
However, within established RPAs the definition of close friends often seemed to extend to all members with respect to the sharing of good ideas.
LOCAL OR INDIGENOUS SOURCES
These are regarded as sources outside the group but within the local community. These included elders, church leaders, market traders, local Chairmen and innovative farmers who were rarely group members.
Elders - Comments concerning elders differed widely (as might be expected when so many different individuals were being discussed) and not all were respectful as the following illustrate:
'Elders always reminisce about the 40s, 50s and 60s.'KISALIZI ENVIRONMENTAL ASSOCIATION, UGANDA
We are sick of old people's things.'
BUREMBA WOMEN'S LITERACY GROUP, UGANDA
'They are losing their senses and only interested in their stomachs.'
BAYIRI WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
For some groups they were old fashioned and out of date. However, for other groups they were a valued source of experience and indigenous knowledge. 'What new ideas does he give us!' commented the ladies. 'But aren't some old ideas still useful?' argued the men in Nsinda Farmers' Group, Uganda.
Religious leaders - The value of religious leaders, ostensibly a surprising source of new agricultural ideas, is worth noting. Most of the leaders referred to by groups were from churches of various denominations but also included mosques. For some groups, their religious leaders simply prayed for good rains and harvests and reminded them of the seasonal changes. However, for many, their religious leader had regular contact with nearby towns and was a genuine source of valued and trusted information. Pastors, priests and Imam's would sometimes hold meetings after services and share new ideas. In the few instances where a Church leader had actually trained in agriculture, their impact was considerable (for example, Rev Canon Bashaija in Rwancereere Farmers Association, Uganda and Enos Tam, a lay reader in Nyamatete Women's Group, Uganda).
Innovative farmers - Nearly all group members recognised the term for innovative farmers and could identify one or more in their area. Many members may have visited their farms, though it was obvious that such visits were usually rare and probably not encouraged by the innovators. Members usually regarded innovative farmers as a positive source of new ideas, but during discussion it was obvious that these ideas were not freely shared and often gained more through observation.'
They don't invite us, we have to make a special effort to arrange a visit.'KIWEMBI WOMEN'S GROUP, UGANDA
'Even if innovative farmers have no time to talk or visit you, you can still learn by watching what they do.'
BUREMBA WOMEN'S GROUP, UGANDA
'The extension work system has died a natural death in this area - now the innovative farmers are the only source of new ideas. But their ideas are often still old ones.'
NGANDA HEALTH PROMOTERS, UGANDA
EXOGENOUS SOURCES
These are sources outside the local community and include NGOs, extension agents, radio (usually national broadcasts but in local languages), newspapers, books, travel, and government training colleges and research stations.
NGOs - The work of NGOs was nearly always referred to in a positive manner. They were seen as one of the few, usually only, source of inputs such as free planting materials, tools, seeds, etc. Most groups valued and would have liked more regular contact and visits from the trainer or extension worker associated with an NGO.
Extension agents - This referred only to government extension agents. Advice given by extension agents was usually valued and appreciated. The criticisms given were that they never visited or visited too rarely. If extension agents were known to visit every week or two, they were nearly always ranked as the top source of information. The results for extension agents were considerably higher for Ghana - a likely consequence of the recent large inputs into the Ghanaian Extension Department by World Bank funding, resulting in good housing for agents in rural areas (observed in a number of areas of Northern Ghana) and funding for transport.
Extension agents in Uganda complained that their budgets for fuel were so low that they were prevented from visiting after the first few weeks of each quarter (Agents in Mbarara Extension Department).
Radio programmes were rated substantially higher in Ghana. Though there is a good agricultural broadcasting service in Uganda, many farmers complained that the relevant broadcasts in local languages were transmitted at times when they were either out farming (mid-morning) or late at night when they were already asleep.
Travel usually referred to visits to family members elsewhere in the country. However, on two occasions, both in Uganda, a whole group (Mugwanjura Farmers Association) had had the opportunity to travel together, one to visit a district farm institute (Kacwekano in Bushenyi) and the other, an NGO forestry demonstration project (VI Tree Planting project in Masaka).
Members of Mugwanjura Farmers Association were given the use of a pickup truck from the Diocese to visit the District Farm Institute at Bushenyi, some 80 miles away, on condition that they contributed the cost of fuel. They saw ox ploughing, improved matoke plantations, passion fruit cultivation and fish ponds. Less than a year later these activities (with the exception of ox ploughing) were implemented on several of the farms visited.
This visit had proved of immense significance in terms of group development, increased confidence and the often rapid uptake of new ideas. Members were exposed simultaneously and given the opportunity to discuss and examine new innovations together. For many of the women it was a rare opportunity to travel outside their own area. The group had subsequently arranged and paid for a further visit to another recommended project.
6.7.3 Variation apparent in information sources used by different groups
The information sources exercise revealed some significant differences between the results for Uganda and Ghana. Differences between government provision or policy are most apparent with the results for extension agents, radio and books. The lower number of 'books' in the Ghanaian results was partly explained by the high number of groups in the north, where literacy levels were very low.
Within Uganda over two thirds of new ideas, and in Ghana just over half of the most frequently used sources of new information came from within the local community or group. This implies that many groups had to rely largely on their own resources and ideas but this was not necessarily through choice. No group ever mentioned refusing a visit from any outsiders. Indeed from the reception given to visitors in almost all groups, it was clear that such visits are rare. In Ghana, significantly more exogenous sources were selected, largely due to the apparently increased effectiveness of both the extension services and local radio broadcasts. There was little variation between the value placed on sources within the group which indicated a substantial level of confidence among the members, both in their own knowledge and experience and that of other members.
Figure 4: Trust in agricultural information sources by grassroots farmers in Uganda
The figures for women's groups or groups with mostly female members, showed surprisingly few differences. In Ghana, the only significant differences among the most used sources were that friends were placed before the radio and elders received a much lower ranking.
'Elders and chiefs will only call the men when they have something to say.'TEMPANI WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
'The extension agent has only visited the men in the group.'
WEGBE WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
In Uganda, women's groups placed trainers above friends, and elders above radio, revealing that women's access to the radio may be more limited or that they valued the information of elders more. Typically, male NGO workers and extension agents received almost the same ranking from women's groups which seems surprising, given their reduced access to these sources.
Books and newsletters were often among the information sources listed by groups, but because they usually were only relevant for one or two members, were included in the top five categories by only 21% of groups sampled. However, many people commented that if they had more access to them, they would certainly list them as a preferred source as they were a much valued and trusted source of information. This was commented on by 66% of groups.
6.7.4 Trust in agricultural information sources
Having established the range of information sources, groups were then asked to reconsider their ranking, this time scoring on the basis of their trust in the sources. In approximately 20% of groups they did not wish to make any changes.
Figure 5: Trust in agricultural information sources by grassroots farmers in Ghana
Several surprising differences emerged between the frequency of usage and trust in information sources. Members appeared to lack complete faith in their own judgement and observation, which may indicate several things; a lack of confidence, a readiness to learn or a perception that outsiders may have expert knowledge. Friends remained an important source, but trust was slightly less than usage, indicating that people may sometimes limit their trust in the information provided from friends, not so much from an intention to mislead but because of a concern that the friend may have 'got it wrong'.
It is interesting to note that in both countries trust in information from radio programmes is substantially less than the frequency of use.
Of particular relevance to this research are those sources in which trust is ranked higher than actual frequency of use, since this implies that these are sources which groups would like more access to and this was reinforced by the comments made by group members when re-ranking the information sources. Those with slightly higher scores include trainers and religious leaders. Those with markedly higher scores include NGOs, books and newsletters, and extension agents. Many groups commented on how they longed for more access to all of these sources of information.
'As a group we have grown to the 'going to school' stage in terms of access to information. We still have a long way to go.'BRUTU CO-OPERATIVE FARMERS, GHANA
Trust in extension agents was higher than frequency of use in both countries, but especially in Uganda, where the overall score rose from 4% to 8%. District Farm Institutes (DFIs) in Uganda, which provided farmer training courses, received a low ranking for usage. However, though few groups had access to their training, DFIs received the largest overall percentage increase from usage to trust. From less than 1% in terms of those having access to them, this rose to over 5% in terms of trust. Travel by one or more group members to DFIs in Uganda or NGO demonstration units was of considerable influence in encouraging the uptake of new ideas. Members who had visited, tended to try out ideas observed on their return.
NGOs are an important and well trusted source of new ideas in both countries, and their overall ranking rose in both Uganda and Ghana.
Books and other kinds of printed information received considerably higher rankings for trust than for availability in both countries, increasing from 6% to 8% in Uganda and from 3% to 4% in Ghana. This is an affirmation of the value attached to them by farmers, even though so few had good access to them. Nearly a third of groups (29%) included printed information in their top five most trusted sources (contrasting with 21% who included them in their five most used sources).
Having established the perceived importance of sources of new information, observations were made about the flow of information within the group. Members of most RPAs did not see the role of their group as primarily for sharing new ideas, but rather as a support system or a means of pooling their labour and energies. However, it became clear that in every group which was functioning well, the sharing of new ideas in agriculture was on-going, more likely in the form of informal comments and advice than as training sessions.
'Forming a group provides us with a pool of knowledge.'CARD, UGANDA
'We would like more new ideas If there were more groups around, more new ideas would come into the community.'
BRUTU CO-OPERATIVE FARMERS, GHANA
'The more often we meet, the more often we gain new ideas.'
OMBO WOMEN'S GROUP
Groups with little confidence in their own abilities were often reasonably content with their access to new ideas.
'New ideas are better little by little.'KOGOBUU YIKORI - OMBO, GHANA
However, as group confidence grew, so apparently did their ability to assess and digest new ideas and consider whether they should try them out.
'We would like more information and training to broaden our outlook.'ZANGBOGU WOMEN'S GROUP, GHANA
6.8.1 Flow of new ideas within group
Members of RPAs were asked to think of new agricultural ideas which some of the members had adopted in recent years. These could include, for example, adoption of new varieties, new crops or vegetables or erosion control measures. Members were then asked to think back to the source of the new idea and then to work out how the new idea had spread within the group and, possibly, outside the group. Members were often surprisingly specific about this process and the various stages. Few had any problem in recalling the source of the idea, the first person to implement and so on.
There were usually several stages before the majority of group members would implement a new idea. Initially one member (the animator in 77% of groups) would try it out. If the idea looked promising, several more members would try it. Only if these were also successful, would most members then implement the new idea (each stage normally took 1 -2 years before the benefits became apparent). If several group members had received training or visited demonstrations of the innovation and implemented it, usually one stage was all that was required for the majority of members to implement. On the two occasions when a whole group had visited together, the majority implemented some of the new ideas within a year of return. Ideas mentioned, often by several groups, included:
· planting crops in straight lines· growing new crops - passion fruit, Irish potatoes, pineapple, clonal coffee, export chillies, vegetable nurseries, mushroom propagation
· raising alternative livestock - bee keeping, rabbit husbandry, edible snail husbandry, fish farming
· tree planting - melia, eucalyptus, moringa, household tree nurseries, propagation of tree seedlings in nurseries
· improving soil fertility - live barriers of elephant grass (soil erosion control), compost making, ring weeding around plants followed by mulching with weeds, improved fertiliser application
· new post-harvest technologies - improved granaries, fodder cutting machines for zero grazed animals, improved methods of processing cassava
· selecting maize seeds for improved germination.
All the above ideas constituted a considerable change in agricultural practice and had been tried and tested by more than one group member. Sometimes all members had adopted the new practice. Less far-reaching ideas were in play all the time as members worked alongside each other.
Tree Nursery - Ihimbi Women's Group.
6.8.2 Informal training within group
A relationship was found to exist between the type of group and their access to printed information. Only 10% of RPAs could be described as having reasonable access to printed information, in contrast with 70% of GDOs (as illustrated in Table 16).
TABLE 16 - Access to any kind of printed agricultural information by farmer groups in Uganda and Ghana
|
ACCESS TO PRINTED INFORMATION |
GDOs |
RPAs |
||
|
NO OF GROUPS |
NO OF GROUPS |
|||
|
None at all |
1 |
(10%) |
22 |
(35%) |
|
Limited access (less than 50% of group members owning one or more item of printed information) |
2 |
(20%) |
35 |
(55%) |
|
Reasonable access (over 50% of group members owning one or more item of printed information) |
7 |
(70%) |
6 |
(10%) |
|
Total |
10 |
(100%) |
63 |
(100%) |
p< 0.00002, chi square = 21.58, df = 2, missing data 2 cases.
Data not significant as 33% of cells have frequency < 5.
A further relationship exists between the likelihood of RPAs carrying out training within the group and their access to printed information. Regular training was carried out by 89% of groups who had limited or reasonable access to books comparing with 11 % of groups without printed information.
Most RPAs saw their aims as primarily benefiting their own members and improving the income or health of members' families. Few saw themselves as sources of information for their wider community. It was noted that groups who had achieved confidence and empowerment through the success of their group enterprises were much more likely to want to share new ideas widely. For the GDOs examined, passing on information was usually a high priority.
The potential of the farmer groups as providers of information was clearly apparent. It is important to note that many others share observations about the existence and potential of such groups. Carmen (1996) confirms the existence of large numbers of autonomous groups in Kenya, Burkina Faso and other countries in the Sahel. Zinyama (1992) observed the structure and functioning of farmer groups in Zimbabwe and their capacity for self management, improving social status, and concluded that they showed considerable potential for social change. Carroll (1992) likewise, considers group capacity building for collective action to be at the heart of the development process, though very difficult to evaluate. Garforth (1990; 1995) discusses the potential of working with rural people's organisations from the perspective of extension work and mentions the large numbers of such farmer associations throughout Thailand, Zimbabwe and the Philippines.
When a member (usually an animator), was not only confident in the quality of the information and its relevance to a particular situation, but was also able to fully comprehend its import, a further step might follow. This step involved the adaptation of such information into a form which would enable others to benefit, who might not have the same literacy skills, understand the same language or have the same educational background and experience. Effective knowledge and information transfer depend on the right cultural context being used. When such information is confidently adapted and passed on, in any of a number of forms, it is suggested that this is one indicator of empowerment and self-reliance. The use of printed means to do this is the subject of the next section.
